REVOLUTION in ROJAVA 2020

Posted on 12 January 2020 by huddsludds

To the press and the general public

On the 15th January 2016 Kongra star was announced as the creation of an umbrella organisation of the Rojava women’s movement. We begin our anniversary by celebrating all revolutionary, struggling, resisting and freedom seeking women in the world. The inheritance gathered by global women’s struggle continues here in every area of life and struggle with Kongra Star. To build an ethical and political society, the freedom struggle of women and society will be raised even higher by women who resist.

In Rojava Kurdistan, the women’s movement began in 2005 under the name Yekitiya Star, working within society and social organising. At the same time, within the PYD, for the development of women’s politics, autonomous and women’s projects were organised. From 2005 until 2011 a huge amount of work was done in the face of great difficulties and oppression from the Syrian state and it’s mentality. Yekitiya Star made many sacrifices and gave immeasurable effort. In this resistance struggle many women were imprisoned, tortured and disappeared. Nazlîye Keçel is an example of such a revoltuionary woman, disappeared by the state. It is still not known what happened to her.

Yekitiya Star, as made up of women revolutionaries and warriors, also played a leadership role in the Rojava revolution. It organised thousands of women in every kind of work in society and politics. The works of the Rojava women’s movement that were built up under the name Yekitiya Star, named itself Kongra Star to continue its work fighting for women’s freedom and equality. Kongra Star organised with more width and depth on the experience and acheivements of Yekitiya Star. Now, after a great struggle in all political and social fields, the autonomous women’s political system has also been built up. The system of equal representation has become an example in the Middle East and in the world.

All the women of Rojava took their place in the work of Yekitiya Star, playing a leading role and organising in all different areas before the revolution. They shouldered a great responsibility, some in the work of defence, others in political areas. Şehîd Şîlan Kobanê has become a symbol for the struggle to build up women’s freedom, the development of autonomous women’s organising, and women’s leadership. Şehîds such as Gulê Selmo, Fatma Hecî, Eyşe Elî and Dayê Aqîde have left their mark on history, falling martyr in the struggle for women’s and people’s freedom, on the journey to build a free and equal society.

Women have given heavy sacrifices and many şehîds in the creation and advancement of autonomous organising and on the way to women’s freedom. Comrades have given their hearts and souls to lead and take responsibility for the creation and organising of a system for a democratic society. Women showed their strength of belief, mind and connection particularly clearly in the time of the Afrin resistance. The self sacrifice actions of Şehîds Berîvan, Avesta Xabûr and Barîn Kobanê have become examples from this time. Furthermore, in the Kobane resistance our comrades Şehîd Rêvan, Şehîd Arîn Mîrkan and many more comrades who’s names we don’t know for sure, put themselves into the pages of the history book of women’s freedom.

Women’s rights and role in society have become apparent, and women’s will represented, between the women’s army, the efforts of women’s organising in every area of life, and so many immortal şehîds. In the current Resistance of Dignity the martyrdom of other comrades has brought the attention of the whole world onto the resistance; Şehîd Amara in defence of her honour and land, Hevrîn Xelef in the advancement and example of a democratic system, Dayê Aqîde for bringing about women’s justice.

Kongra Star is, in the broadest sense, taking on the same role and mission continuing the work and struggle that is the inheritance of all this experience of the global struggle for women’s freedom, in particular from the base build up by Yekitiya Star. Women have become organised under the umbrella of Kongra Star at every level of commune, group and council, across every aspect of societyl and have played a vanguard role in the Rojava revolution. The power of women is the measure of a free, equal, and and democratic life. This has shown itself in Kongra Star and struggled has continued in the face of the oppression, occupation and violence of the dominant male mentality. Furthermore the struggle within society has continued, and be brought about against mistreatment, rape and assault, child marriage, polygamy, massacres and femicide. Thousands of women have made actions for their historic and universal rights, and these actions are organised with the example and leading role of Kongra Star and have become a model for the whole world.

The women’s army YPJ has taken its place and played a role in all these advancements, and the defence of the Rojava revolution, and has become famous around the world. With this role and these missions, the revolution of Rojava society has become a women’s revolution and with women as the vanguard is building up a democratic and ecological society as well as women’s freedom. Many concrete changes have been made and important steps taken in the gender struggle, and it has proved itself by making the women’s liberation ideology a reality.

On this basis, we once again celebrate the anniversary of the announcement of Kongra Star by saluting all revolutionary women and those struggling, seeking freedom, resisting and defending. Honouring the memories and bringing about the dreams of those who have fallen şehîd on the road to a free life, given their spirits for struggle, equality and freedom is the goal of a free and democratic life. The anniversary of Kongra Star honours all three of our comrades Hevrîn Xelef, Amara Renas and Dayê Aqîde, and all the şehîds of the Resistance of Dignity of the Serêkaniyê war and we say “We will defend our land and defeat fascism and occupation.”

Greetings and regards

Kongra Star Coordination Rojava 14/1/2020

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Rahmani: Rojava gives hope to the oppressed

In an interview with ANF, Iranian author Bahram Rahmani stresses the importance of the democratic alternative in Rojava for the oppressed of the world and calls for solidarity with the resistance against the Turkish invasion.

ANF – MURAT KUSEYRİ
STOCKHOLM
Sunday, 12 Jan 2020, 16:29

Bahram Rahmani, former chairman of the Association of Iranian Writers and the Iranian section of the PEN writers’ association, spoke to ANF about Turkey’s Middle East policy and Turkey’s “Kurdish policy” in Syria. Rahmani emphasizes the importance of the democratic alternative in Rojava for the oppressed of the world and assigns Turkey and Erdoğan a crucial responsibility for the war in Syria.

Astana must be investigated

The Iranian author and journalist regards the shooting down of a Russian plane by Turkey in 2015 as a decisive turning point. “Ankara has moved away from the US and NATO and started to cooperate with Russia and Iran. However, these forces were on different sides in Syria. While Russia and Iran took sides with Assad, Turkey continued its support for the jihadists. One has to look closely at how these countries, although supporting different factions, are working together on the future of Syria. They meet in Astana and make decisions. But neither the Syrian Government nor the Syrian people are present at the table. Three countries decide the future of another country.”

Turkey’s position is weakened

Despite the different interests regarding Syria, both countries have given the green light to Turkey’s occupation of northern Syria, Rahmani continues; “Erdoğan’s aim was to settle Syrian Arabs in the border area in order to prevent the relationship between the Kurds in Northern Kurdistan [Turkish territory] and Rojava. But this could not be realised until today. Turkey is not economically in a position to do this. Turkey is also in a difficult situation in Idlib. Here the ISIS and Al-Qaeda groups supported by Ankara are in power. For all these reasons, Turkey’s position is weakened.”

Erdoğan’s plan for Libya

Rahmani recalls that Erdoğan has armed and supported jihadists during the Syrian war. Since they could not be accommodated on Turkish-occupied territories in North-East Syria, Ankara is planning to send his Islamist allies into the Libyan civil war. “Regardless of what Erdoğan has done, Turkey is actually in a key position in the Middle East. Erdoğan and the Turkish state fear that the systems are changing. There is a strong popular movement against the mullahs in Iran. If the Iranian regime collapses, this will have a strong influence on Turkey. Erdoğan will not be able to stay in power.”

Erdoğan and Khamanei take an ideological approach

While Russia pursues a pragmatic policy in line with its political and economic interests, Erdoğan and Khamenei have adopted an ideological approach and support Islamists close to them. Thus Erdoğan also supports the Muslim Brother Government in Libya, says Rahmani.

Erdoğan fears the Kurds’ territorial gains

“The Turkish state has been attacking the Kurdish people and PKK for 40 years. But the Kurdish people have their demands. Erdoğan panicked when the Kurds became stronger during the peace process and the HDP was able to send 80 MPs to parliament. Despite all the repression, the HDP was able to send 50 MPs to parliament in the last elections as well. Erdoğan is even more afraid of developments in Turkey and Northern Kurdistan than of Rojava. He is afraid of the Kurdish people in Northern Kurdistan. Everybody knows that there has been no threat for Turkey from Rojava for eight years. Erdoğan is afraid that the democratic system in Rojava will be extended to Kurdistan and the Middle East.

Rojava does not suit the reactionary and imperialist states

Not only Turkey is against Rojava, but also Iran, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Israel, the EU, the US and other countries are against self-government, says Rahmani. “For eight years not a single country has recognised the system in Rojava. They pretend to be against the Turkish invasion of Rojava, but at the same time they don’t like the system there. German and Swiss weapons are used in Rojava, as well as armaments from other Western countries. These countries do not want the people to administer themselves.

The system of Rojava is successful because it is based on the people

When the ISIS attacked Shengal, the Peshmerga abandoned the Yazidis and withdrew. Aid came from Rojava and the ISIS was prevented from entering the self-governing areas in northern Syria. The people of Rojava are now resisting the Turkish invasion. The system in Rojava gives hope to the poor all over the world. All oppressed peoples should support the resistance of Rojava against the Turkish state.”

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Turkey continues the (Turkification) process in the various Syrian regions and towns that it occupies, and among these measures is the naming of the official departments with Turkish names, where a school in the Syrian Jarablus was called the name of a deceased Turkish governor.

NEWS13 Jan 2020, Mon – 13:132020-01-13T13:13:00 NEWS DESK

Since the occupation of the Syrian territories in the middle of 2016, after its occupation of the cities of Jarablus and Al-Bab, Turkey has been working to “leave” the various official and service governmental institutions. On its roofs, the Turkish flag is raised, and on its doors the pictures of the Turkish president are suspended.

The names of these government and service departments are also written in Turkish in bold.

Adding more to “Turkification” policy, the Turkish occupation, on Sunday, where it opened a high school in the Syrian city of Jarablus, yesterday holding the name of the Turkish governor, “Ahmed Torgay Imam Geylar”, who died in Jarablus a year ago after a heart attack.

According to information received from the occupied city of Jarablus, Ankara deliberately opened the secondary school on the 12th of this month, to coincide with the day of Imam Geylar’s death.

The Turkish authorities do not hesitate to take advantage of any opportunity to implement the policy of Turkification in the cities and towns that it occupies within the Syrian territories, and thus honored the deceased deputy governor in Jarablus.

The “Imam Geylar”, whom Ankara honored and named after a high school, is the deputy governor of the Turkish city of Gaziantep, and he passed away on January 12 of 2019 in his office in Jarablus, where he used to live and work as an official in charge of Turkish scientific activities.

The opening of the high school that held his name was attended by a crowd of Turkish officials, among them the governor of the city of Gaziantep and representatives of Erdogan’s “Justice and Development” party, along with deputies from the same party in the Turkish parliament.

This is not the first time that Turkish officials have attended such events. Yassin Akti, Erdogan’s adviser, visited 6 months ago the city of Afrin and other towns north of Aleppo.

In addition to “Turks”, Ankara is striving to change the demographics of the areas that were controlled by north-eastern and western Syria, as it continues to settle operations of Syrian mercenaries belonging to Turkey in those cities and towns with their families.

J.O

ANHA

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“Şervano” – The song of resistance

KOMUN

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January 7, 2020

The Kurdish people’s resistance against the invasion of northern and eastern Syria by the Turkish army and its proxies continues. Since the beginning of the war of aggression on October 9, 2018, Kurds in Kurdistan and all over the world responded to the occupation in a variety of ways, from political work to street protest and physical self-defence. Their resistance has received much support from internationalists around the world, who stand with them shoulder to shoulder in solidarity to put an end to the fascist AKP-regime of the Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.

Art has always played a big role in the history of the Kurdish people and their struggles. Amongst others, the song “Şervano” has come to be the symbol of Rojava’s resistance against Turkish state fascism. Released in the same week as the beginning of the Turkish army’s “Peace Spring” operation, the song has become an important part of protests, the fields, and the front lines. It is even played at funerals in honor of the martyrs, accompanied by the singing of the attendants, who know it by heart.

The song became iconic with the circulation of videos from the funeral of YPG fighter Yusif Nebi, who had asked his family not to cry, but to sing and dance, if he dies in combat. Surrounded by large crowds of mourners, his brother and mother danced as an act of resistance against fascism.

The following interview with the composer was conducted by the Germany-based Kurdistan Report magazine. “Şervano” was written by Kurdish artist Şêro Hindê, who is working at “Hûnergeha Welat” (atelier of the homeland) in Rojava, and is also a member of the Rojava Film Commune. He is the director of the documentaries “Darên bi tenê” (Lonely Trees) and “Bajarên wêrankirî” (Destroyed Cities).

What were the circumstances in which the song “Şervano” was created? Where was the videoclip shot?

On the evening the Turkish government and its allies started the invasion on the 9^th of October, we were in Qamişlo together with the musician Mehmûd Berazî and the author Ibrahim Feqe. Together, we wrote the song and composed the music. In the meantime bombs were dropping on Qamişlo, killing six people and injuring many more.

That night was very meaningful because the resistance fighters tirelessly and fearlessly took up position to protect the civilian populations and at the same time to prepare them for war again. The sight of those brave fighters persuaded us to put down what we saw in writing and composition. So we literarily saw the song “Şervano” in front of our eyes and on the following day, we started shooting the video based on the events of the previous night. We consciously worked without extravagant images and techniques in order to have be as authentic as possible.

The People’s Protection Unit (YPG) fighter from the video, Elî Feqe, is also a member of the Rojava Film Commune. He is a cameraman and an active role in the cinematic art.

Did you expect such a big impact of “Şervano”? What were the reactions?

We expected the song to reach and move people, but we too were surprised about the dimensions of the affect. We always try to create art, which reflects the Zeitgeist. However, it is important for us to express, keep alive and do justice to our centuries-old art traditions and to express our folkloric culture and dengbej music.

I would like to emphasize that our comrade Mehmûd Berazî, the composer of “Şervano”, makes the greatest contributions to music in Rojava and has the strongest influence.

The people love our songs, especially “Şervano”. Certainly, there have been other popular songs before, such as “Nivişta Gerilla”, “Tîna Çiya”, “Edlaye” and “Tola Salanîya Efrînê”, which are also often played at the funerals of our fallen friends, at protests or at the frontline. Essential elements of this music culture are the female and male resistance fighters, who show no fear of the enemy. Of course our musical work influences and touches us as much as anyone else. The emotional specificities of our artwork stem from the love and the esteem that is displayed towards us.

This became obvious also through the martyr Yusuf Nebî. His last will was that the people should not cry at his burial, but dance instead. Following his last will, his family played the song “Şervano” at the funeral, sang along the meaningful verses and danced. This sight was both, very painful and moving at the same time. For us as for everyone else.

You continue your work during the revolution. What do you do?

We were artistically active before the start of the revolution already. However, we couldn’t express ourselves as freely as now. Indeed, it’s astonishing that we feel freer than before in the development of our art, considering the adverse living conditions, the intensity of the war, the daily losses of our fighters and the civil fatalities. In this way, we as Kurdish artists want to make our contribution to the revolution. A revolution has different areas. Our task is it to convey to the outside the emotions and the spirit of the revolution in relation with the pain that our people have to suffer. In doing so, we don’t mind how the public interprets our art, whether positively or negatively. Our primary goal is to do justice to our people. To illustrate as well as relieve the suffering and to keep their morale up.

We also produce movies. The Rojava Film Commune was founded in 2015. We shoot documentaries, short movies, clips and feature films. I personally primarily focus on music, but also on my movie projects. At the moment I produce a documentary about the dengbej music culture. With the title “Darên bi tenê” (Lonely Trees), we documented dengbej songs in Şengal (Sinjar). We also produced a documentary about the life of the unforgettable artist Mihemmed Şêxo. I express myself best with the help of music.

As artists of the Rojava Film Commune and of Hûnergeha Welat, we want to add new elements to the revolution’s art. We don’t want to spread classic, well-known slogan-like art, but rather reflect the present, revolutionary spirit and feelings of Rojava’s society.

Do you face any difficulties during your work?

We work under very harsh conditions, in the midst of a war. Still, we strive to capture sharp photos and clear sounds. Our work is only possible thanks to the collective institutions, because we resist all together. As much as times of resistance are filled with creativity, they are also connected to difficulties. Big projects obviously aren’t possible in the midst of war. We have started a big research project about the dengbêj songs from Rojava. Among other things, we wanted to record some from Dicle (Tigris) to Xabûr and to piece them together in a documentary. But because of the current war conditions, we were forced to let it rest. Our only possibility at the moment is to show to the public, with the help of our projects, the omnipresence of the resistance. But unfortunately that’s not enough. For the realization of our projects, we need resources that are provided sufficiently to other institutions, which neither want to collaborate with us, nor are connected to us or Rojava in any way. They steal our projects and sell them as their own. In the near future, we want to take measures to prevent those and further thefts of course.

Are publications of further projects to be expected?

At the moment we especially work on projects, which primarily document the resistance. An important site of this great and strong resistance is Serê Kanîye (Ras al-Ain). We want to record this great resistance for history, with the help of art projects.

It is important for us to not produce typical revolution movies, but to realize projects, which create the consciousness among people to understand that we are those for whom the resistance fighters fight and sacrifice their lives. This is the direction of our work and it will be revealed in the near future. As much as we receive love and appreciation from the people, sometimes we also get criticism. This is important for the improvement of our further projects. Our singers Xalît Derîk, Haci Musa, Sîdar, Eyşe and Şefîka Şehriban Güneş, who always sing centuries-old folk songs with deep feelings, try to keep alive the cultural folk music.

How was Hûnergeha Welat founded and how is it made up?

Hûnergeha Welat was founded on the first of July 2014 in Qamişlo. There are two different areas: music and documentation. Every year, music is produced with dengbej artists and musicians, as well as movies and documentaries.

90% of the songs and videos dedicated to the revolution and which were produced in Rojava, are productions of Hûnergeha Welat. The name is in memory of the martyr Welat. This comrade was killed by a denotation of a car bomb from the so-called Islamic State. He was a very important friend, who kept himself busy with music and art and who knew a lot about the arts.

Hûnergeha Welat was a project, which we wanted to realize with him. Instead, we created the project and remembered him by naming it after him. The comrade Mehmûd Berazî is working at the moment on music. Likewise other friends, such as Kawa, Serxebên, Comerd, Ozan, Evan and many more. In the section of documentary film, the comrades Alab and Ali are the main contact persons. Of course there are many more members, who I didn’t name here but who are an essential part of our work.

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The Future of Northeastern Syria: In Conversation with SDF Commander-in-Chief Mazloum Abdi

Also available in العربية

January 10, 2019

With the latest unexpected escalation between Iran and the United States in Iraq, the ongoing challenges of Syria have, for the moment, become a less-discussed point of regional tension. However, for the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), which precariously continues to control an autonomous region of Northeastern Syria, the last few months have tested the organization’s hold over the region.

In the months since U.S. troop withdrawal from the Turkish-Syrian border and the subsequent Turkish Operation Peace Spring, launched on October 9, the future of northeastern Syria has become in some ways less certain for the SDF. In addition to the previous major loss of Afrin during the earlier Turkish Olive Branch Operation in March 2018, the SDF has now also lost hold of Ras al-Ain and Tal Abyad.

Yet for now, the two ceasefire deals Turkey signed with the United States On October 17 and with Russia on October 22 have so far prevented further conflict and expansion of Turkish territorial control into northeastern Syria. Furthermore, the SDF reached a deal with Damascus with Russian mediation to protect the Syrian border, which, though it has not led to a concrete agreement between Damascus and the SDF, has at least encouraged ongoing negotiations between the two.

In December, the author sat down for an interview with SDF Commander-in-Chief Mazloum Abdi, who explained the current position and concerns of the SDF, and how the two ceasefire deals now governing the Syrian-Turkish border have lessened the risk of a future Turkish attack. General Mazloum noted that although there is still a risk Turkey could attack either Jazira (Hassakah province) or Kobani, such a scenario would not be easy for Turkey. “They know that we will put a major fight—but there are larger agreements for now. There are agreements with Russians and also with the United States, which are preventing Turkish attacks. The Americans say that if Turkey attacks [Kobani], there will be sanctions against Turkey—and there are also Russian forces there.”

Moreover, for the local self-administration of northeast Syria (NES), not much has changed in the months since Turkey’s latest incursion. Although it had to evacuate its administration center from Ain al Issa and move to Raqqa, a number of checkpoints and the Fish Khabur border crossing with Iraq are still under SDF jurisdiction. The border crossing in particular has been key, as it allows foreign journalists and NGOs continued access to the northeast of Syria without needing to obtain a visa from the government in Damascus. What has changed is that Russian forces have replaced positions of the U.S. army, and Syrian forces now man the front line with Turkish-backed forces, though they do not maintain checkpoints.

Meanwhile, the U.S. army has now shifted its location deeper into the territory of northeastern Syria—between October and November, the U.S. army withdrew from areas near Raqqa, Kobani, and Manbij and repositioned their forces to the Hasakah province and the oil-rich Deir ar Zour. Forces are now tasked with protecting oil infrastructure and continuing the fight against ISIS.

The Resilience of the SDF

In spite of the territorial losses, one notable outcome of the fighting has been the demonstration of unity between Kurds and non-Kurds within the SDF, despite expectations to the contrary. SDF officials have reported that there was no major defection of Arab SDF fighters or uprising of Arab citizens in northeastern Syria to support either Syrian regime forces or Turkey in areas like Raqqa or Deir ar Zour. As General Mazloum stated, “Turkey’s plans were undermined; they were expecting that once they attack, the Arab-populated areas will rise against us [SDF], Raqqa, Deir Az-Zour, Manbij and Tabqah for instance.” Similarly, although there was an expectation that non-Kurdish SDF soldiers would defect, “Nothing like that ever occurred, actually, there has been more unity. And as we speak, Arab fighters are joining the SDF more than pre-Turkish invasion.”

This was not the only effort to prompt these forces to abandon the SDF. Earlier in December, Syria’s security chief Ali Mamlouk also asked Arab tribes to defect to the Syrian government. Mazloum suggested that the two efforts to prompt defection—Damascus with its threats, Turkey with its attacks—have both failed. Mazloum reported that his troops “rejected [the] call” of the Syrian government, attributing this to a shared vision: “Those who have joined the SDF believe in the ideas and goals of the SDF.”

The Challenge of Recognition

Yet the call by Ali Mamlouk highlights the continuing reality that the SDF and Syrian government are not on good terms, despite the two sides’ earlier military cooperation against Turkey. Negotiations between Damascus and the SDF to settle the status of NES in the eyes of the Syrian government have been ongoing, as the SDF leader confirmed. However, so far Damascus refuses to agree to any stipulations that they would recognize the SDF, and the government still wants to integrate SDF fighters on an individual basis into the Syrian army.

In contrast, the SDF has stated that they would only join the Syrian army in the event of a new Syrian constitution, in which the SDF “preserve[s] its autonomous status in the area of command and institutions.” According to General Mazloum, it is only “Within that framework [that] our discussions with the Russians and Syrian government [will] continue.”

So far, Syrian president Bashar al-Assad seems to be uninterested in such a deal, although an agreement with the SDF could improve the Syria’s deteriorating economy that has weakened due to the sorry state of the Syrian pound—which has hit a record low amid sanctions and war. The SDF still controls major oil and agricultural resources and is conducting trade with the Iraqi Kurds, which could provide an influx into the overall Syrian economy were some sort of agreement to be reached.

Refugee issue

Moreover, the SDF is now primarily concerned with another type of challenge to its borders: the publicly expressed desire by Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to settle a million Syrian refugees currently in Turkey into Syrian areas under his control.

As General Mazloum sees it, “It is Erdogan’s goal to bring non-locals and force them to resettle, displace the Kurdish people and democrats from their homeland—and then hire mercenaries from those resettled to use them against Syrian people’s unity, using Syrians to advance Erdogan’s agenda in Syria.” The SDF leader argued that the basic conditions necessary for resettlement of Syrian refugees have not yet been met: “First the Syrian war must be resolved so that everyone can return to their homes.”

The SDF and the local administration have always stated that it is their policy to allow any refugees originally from the area under SDF control to return and resettle there. However, the SDF commander-in-chief emphasized that the majority of Syrians in Turkey are from regions of Damascus, Homs, and Daraa in the south. General Mazloum argues that Turkey’s resettlement plan would benefit neither the NES’s current residents nor those being resettled, as he said those refugees currently in Syria “also do not want to be resettled in Northeastern Syria.” Such a resettlement plan would decrease pressures for a political solution that allows refugees to return to their homes in Syria, and the general insisted that such a process should take place in order to resolve the Syrian crisis.

In contrast, Turkey’s resettlement plan would in turn solidify the displacement of Kurdish Syrians from Afrin and other areas currently under Turkish control, eroding support for the SDF in those regions in turn. A June 2019 report from the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) expressed concerns that permitting Arabs to occupy Kurdish homes in Afrin could permanently change the ethnic composition there. The SDF fears that the scenario already playing out in Afrin could also affect the areas newly controlled by Turkey, though the Turkish Defense Ministry has dismissed these accusations.

Balancing Between Russia and Damascus

Despite recent history, the SDF is not currently concerned that Russia would threaten the SDF with a green light for a Turkish attack on Kobani or other regions in order to pressure the SDF to give more concessions to Damascus as it did in January 2018. Then, Moscow allowed Turkey to attack Afrin once it became clear that the Kurds were not willing to handover Afrin to Damascus.

Now, the Russians might seek access to oil-rich areas currently under U.S. protection, but General Mazloum thinks it unlikely that such interests would manifest into action. “There are agreements between the Russians and the Americans…They [the Russians] have not asked us something like that, and they are coordinating with the Americans as well, not only us.”

The current situation demonstrates that although the SDF is weakened, it has managed to keep its de-facto autonomy, balancing between Moscow, Damascus, Ankara, and Washington without the disintegration of the SDF. Moreover, the continued U.S. presence in the oil-rich regions of northeastern Syria has now given the SDF a point of leverage in negotiations with Damascus.

However, a political agreement with Damascus is far from assured. And if the SDF and Damascus are not able to come to an agreement, tensions are likely to rise once more. The ongoing regional tensions between the United States and Iran could also negatively affect the SDF, especially in Deir ar Zour. However, Damascus does not have enough manpower to replace the SDF, especially with its deteriorating economic condition. Thus, the SDF will continue to remain a de-facto autonomous entity despite uncertainty over its future unless there are unexpected changes in the political field of Syria.

REVOLUTION IN ROJAVA (IV) – Documents and Debates 2019

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Anarchist Fighter With YPJ Speaks about Defense of Serekaniye

Published December 26, 2019

Turkey initiated “Operation Peace Spring” on October 9, 2019, with the intention of occupying Rojava. This preceded 12 days of historic resistance which included anarchist and revolutionary left battalions. The clashes took place from balcony to balcony, street to street, and house to house. Despite the technical superiority and being outnumbered by Turkish forces, with only a small number of people, they resisted for 12 days until a ceasefire was implemented.

This is an interview with an anarchist who fought in Serekaniye with the YPJ.

Do you remember on October 9th, how the attacks on Serekaniye began?

It came to us that the day before there had already been an attack, a bombing, but that it had been decided not to respond. So it was a little conversation behind the scenes, between the companions that we were in my small group. We said: “What will happen?” Two days before we were on the street guarding at night and everything was too quiet. At one point the body feels it, because the tension increases and the body notices it.

And on the 9th, I remember it was past noon, we were in our normal position when we heard the first bombings and from our position we could see the smoke. I remember that my whole body, that all my blood told me: “Now, come on, let’s start.” And of course, I had not yet experienced such a strong sensation, and to see it physically … We all met at home and our commander told us: “all prepared, take the backpacks, take a position”. From that moment it was as if things were triggered little by little … Suddenly, there are many noises that you do not understand … There was a lot of smoke, the city was prepared to avoid observation from the sky by drones, and move under this smoke with psychological affects. Then all the cars full of families, marching with what they have been able to take in ten minutes …

I imagine that the air factor was very important, right? What was it like to fight an army that is supported by warplanes?

The first days were very hard, because with the first bombings the first mass wounded arrived. They are not wounded by war typical city war, they are injured by explosions, entire groups of people, it is another type of war. At first, for example, transporting injured from Serekaniye to Til Temir was a lottery. Ambulances and civil convoys, which did not pose any military threat, were bombed. People were bombarded and then the people who were going to collect the bodies that had just been bombed were also bombarded. There were no scruples, only eager to conquer the territory.

When there were airplanes, at first with the companions we made jokes. When we felt the noise of a plane or a drone, there was always someone who said: “It’s going to happen, it’s going to happen!” But in reality it is the uncertainty of thinking if they have already detected you before, if they are going to shoot where they know they have to. The uncertainty of saying, “Where will it fall?” The first feeling is that of running, but of course, the issue is that when you run away is when you are detectable. We kept the blood cold, when we saw them nobody moved, we controlled the fear, the uncertainty, that voice that told you have done well before and they have not seen you, mixed with the fullest and deepest trust with the companions that I had by my side fighting the invaders and fascists.

I trusted the companions with whom I shared the first days, because they have experience in the city, in the mountains and have lost many people, precisely because of bombings, so they have it very integrated. They know that with this machinery of war we do not have great possibilities, but we have the strategy, the courage of all these years of resistance, we know that we should not fear air support, we know that it is a machinery against which we cannot fight against frontal and direct form but that is why there are other strategies. Know how to move, share fears and doubts and have a lot of patience. It takes a lot of patience: wait and wait.

What else would you say you’ve learned from your most experienced partners?

Rojava’s story has a set of values, but I have really begun to understand these values when I have been with them. Everyone is afraid, but I have not seen at any time doubt for the companions. Their fight is something that they carry so much inside, that comes so much from injustice, from the decision they made to give everything for the fight, for the defense of the land, that when it came to fighting, I saw it in the day to day.

I saw how they took care of each other, in how when one was tired, the others took care of her. I saw serious wounded companions fighting, very young companions fighting, all always aware of where the others were … There were times when we had to continue, but if there was an injury, the first were the wounded companions. And the ones that fell wounded all they wanted were healed and came back, to heal them as they could and continue in the front. I have seen companions not sleeping in three days, not eating in three days, not taking off shoes in days, sharing everything, not having food, not having water and sharing what little they had … No one was left behind. I have not seen anyone fall behind.

There was a very strong feeling of defending. That it was a fight to defend the land, a fight against fascism, a millenary struggle. Why what they live is an attempt at ethnic extermination, a culture and also a movement that is led by women. See that everything you had built, which has cost so much pain, at the level of organizing society, women, that everything is democratic, confederal, that there are structures … see how all this can be destroyed in two days … well, of course, the spirit didn’t stop, nobody rested. There was a strength and a courage, a courage, that if they did not come from the heart and the feeling of “enough!”, Serekaniye’s resistance could not have been the way it was, because everyone had reasons to run away, with the machinery of Turkey, the second largest NATO army, who can fight against this? Only history, the ideological conviction, the defense of the land, the defense of the struggle of women, can against all this.

And I have not only learned from the most experienced companions, for me it has been incredible to share this time with 18-19 year old girls, Kurds, Arabs, who have joined the fight to rebel against a life that condemned them to be women of home and have a man, or who have joined by ideological conviction. That being so young they have taken the courage to join the armed resistance, with all that this entails for society … I was thinking of the Spanish civil war, of the women of the CNT-FAI. Elissa García, for example, who died at the front at 19 years … And see how the militant women of the movement open the way for the other women, for the young women. It has been amazing. There are also many things that I cannot explain, because there are many feelings that are like images that I remember, that I cannot express with words …

What images come to mind when you think of Serekaniye?

Many. From the beginning, I remember when my group was separated into two smaller ones. I have the image of when the partners of the other group were going to take a position and we were going to another place. I thought: “Maybe this is the last time I see them” and that has left me a lot. I remember very well that day, the columns of smoke. And as they were loaded with the biksi [name popularly used to refer to the PKM light machine gun designed in the USSR] and its backpacks.

And then I have many images of the hospital, because we made part of the resistance in the hospital, which at one point ended up being part of the front. It was 5 days, but I remember it as if it had been 10 hours. I remember the hospital, in the dark, because when the çete [term that literally means “mercenaries”, used to refer to jihadist groups taking part in the Turkish state’s offensive against Northern Syria] approached, there wasn’t electricity. And in the middle of the darkness, the light of the cigarettes that the comrades smoked. And the doors, why the light came through the doors. He did control of the wounded, asking each one: “How are you? All good? – Yes yes I’m fine”. And the wounded fighting. Because we all knew that we were surrounded, that we were going to be trapped in the city. And we gave each other courage, we said “no one leaves here, because here we are defending everything.” In the end, when we had to retire, the last image of Serekaniye, the city burning, everything burning …

You were surrounded and due to diplomatic agreements with Turkey you were ordered to withdraw. How did you receive this order? How was the withdrawal for you, after so many days fighting tirelessly?

The order arrived in the morning and we did not believe it. At first we didn’t believe it. But I remember that the feeling of devastation came quickly. They told us to leave, to prepare all the material. All the convoy, all the cars filled with all the defense forces, we left little by little and discovered that the enemies had gone out to the street. Everyone left their lines of defense and went down to the street, went out to the balconies, to make us a corridor, so that we could see them. You saw the Turkish soldiers and the jihadists, some in military uniforms but others camouflaged as civilians, throughout the hallway to the hospital. We saw the faces of those who until recently were attacking us, hidden 100 or 200 meters from the hospital. I remember one of the commanders telling us: “Don’t shoot, don’t shoot because the war isn’t over.” It was very hard, we didn’t expect it. All the adrenaline of so many days, all the emotion contained … but you see the comrades who have been fighting here for 7 years, plus some 10 years in the mountains, and you feel that you don’t want to be sad.

Do you feel that you have no right to be sad?

I have the right to be sad because Serekaniye has been my home, where I have seen comrades die, where we have defended the streets, where I have met families, like everyone else. But on the other hand, I feel that it has been a hard but beautiful resistance, that what we have done is part of history. And if you don’t keep this in mind, you go down fast, your morale falls, the word “defeat” enters your head. Yes, militarily it has perhaps been a defeat, but ideologically at no time. Serekaniye has been a reference, also for the population. Many people took up arms, especially boys and young girls.

Historically, weapons and armed struggle has been a closed ground for women. How was it for you to get in touch with this?

I believe that women have always been present in the armed struggle, but more invisible. Perhaps in smaller quantities, but throughout history there have always been references of women who have participated in the armed struggle and have built a bit the base and the way for many of us to consider it something possible, a path that is also our way.

In any part of the world and in any social and political context, as women and for the specific oppression that is imposed on us, we have always developed forms of self-defense, we have always had to use the tools we had at our disposal to defend our bodies, our thoughts, our life, the territory … As women, we are trying to introduce that this is not our role, but history shows the opposite, it shows that we have always been able to look for solutions, ways to fight and that is what happens in Rojava. Women have organized to build structures, learning spaces, support, mechanisms to fight and defend all this. Why … if we don’t do it, who will? We cannot wait to leave the decision on how we have to fight, we cannot entrust our future to structures that are oppressive. I consider, therefore, that self-defense is something that defines us as revolutionary and as women in general, it has always been part of our life because we have always been the object of the oppression of patriarchy, of the State, of all social institutions. Then I consider that in Rojava weapons are another method of defense, another element to protect the spaces where we grow, and a way to defend collective life and oppressed peoples, of which women represent the vanguard. It has not been easy for me to assume this, it has been a great learning.

Within my family, only men have participated in this form of resistance against Franco, basically my grandfather. But having the reference of my mother, my grandmother, the women of my family who during the Franco regime and post-Franco regime have been oppressed, some have organized and others have not, but if they had had the possibility, they would not have ruled out this way, like me, that having the possibility and having comrades who can introduce us, how could I not participate in this fight?

And it has been a process, a hard learning, very hard. Why the most important thing is not to take the weapons, but to know why you take them. At one point you ask yourself: “maybe I fall martyr here,” and the feeling was to say “we are fighting for life.” It is a lesson, and I continue to learn.

How was the relationship with fellow men? Was there a difference in treatment?

Most of the battle of Serekaniye, during which I was in the line of defense, I must say that we were mostly women. In our group there were also men but mostly we were partners. At no time did I receive orders from a man, my manager was always a woman. Yes, there were certain moments when I felt overprotected, but I think it was more because I was international. At first, these moments occurred, but quickly disappeared due to the harshness of the war and for the day to day, for sharing everyday life.

I was surrounded by women like the ones I was with, there was no room for gender differences, at least this is what I have lived. In all politicized environments there is always a task that partners should do much more than to give space to women at the level of militancy they deserve, and here it is not that they say that it is not necessary and that there is no domination of the partners towards the comrades, but it seems that there is the work of years in this aspect. Because many times we ourselves also place ourselves in this role, right? We have it internalized. The partners here have an attitude of not accepting this role, an attitude of saying: “We will not wait for men to change, we are the engine of this change.” And this attitude has also helped men a lot to understand the change in attitude they should have when they are struggling with women.

Once in the hospital, for example, where there were more men, yes, I noticed more differences, but we were not for nonsense. We could not. We were 4 or 5 people taking care of 40 wounded every day, apart from the martyrs and what it was to function, function, work and work, and in moments of rest, guard and fight.

In a context of war, everyone is very clear who the enemy is. This is what I have sometimes missed at home, in myself and in others. We have so many open fronts and so many enemies that we are not able to build something solid.

During the clashes in Serekaniye, in Europe and, for example, specifically in Catalonia, there were demonstrations, actions, demonstrations of solidarity with Rojava … Did you get this? How did you get it?

During Serekaniye we didn’t have much contact with the outside. Most of the time the phones did not work, the internet did not work, but the few moments that worked was basically what we looked at: how was the situation of the territory, what were the movements, share how were the other comrades and see what it happened at home in Europe. Then of course, every manifestation, every text, every action, every photo, every story … in 5 minutes everyone knew it.

Everything we saw was running fast to show it to the other teammates, because the morale rose so much. For example, seeing in Catalonia the photographs of black flags, flags of the YPG and YPJ … this has been incredible for us. Seeing the union of all these struggles … and for the movement partners here it was incredible. Many times they didn’t believe it. I showed them the pictures of the riots in Catalonia, the banners, the flares and it was exciting to share this and be able to say: “Look, look! Catalunya, my land!”

The feeling was that you were not alone, that people were connected to you … We have never expected or expect anything from the States, but at the level of society, at the level of peoples, of empathizing, of feeling the same oppression, this has been very important. I have no words to describe how the women’s movement, whatever the organization, has reacted throughout Europe for the defense and support of Serekaniye. I have no words to see how the partners have worked hard to bring us their warmth, and all the responsibility that many people in Europe felt with Rojava.

What would you say are also the lessons that would have to be exported from here to the movements and struggles in Catalonia?

I think one of the most important things I’ve learned here is the value of commitment. The commitment to really decide to fight the rest of your life. To make a decision that is not easy and to dump all your energies and time in building a base, to do it in the long term and with perspective. Not wanting to do things too quickly, but having perspective of what the revolutionary construction of a territory means, including society, people. I am not saying that in Catalonia there is no commitment, I say that there comes a time when, in the face of oppression, there is no possibility or half measures, it is one thing or another. And sometimes we expected to respond, but if we respond without having built the entire base on a social, ideological and structural level, the response to the attacks will be very short. It will not be long because it will not be ideological, it will not be based on common and shared values.

And then, of course … how to say it in Catalan? There is much talk here about bawerî, about faith. I believe that at home we have no faith in our own steps, in our structures, in our commitment, also at the vital level. Because if we do not start with ourselves, if we do not fight against our sexist personality, against the competitiveness that exists in us and the capitalist mentality that we have, if we do not learn to live collectively, how can we consider a real change? This is what I have seen here, that life and struggle are the same, that we have to get people to believe again, get organized again and not be afraid of difference, because the difference is what makes community. Look here, in Serekaniye the families and the companions were Kurds, Arabs, Armenians, Turks, international … sometimes we didn’t even speak the same language, and we all defended the same. And yes, here there is a context of war, but at home there is also war, society also suffers a war, simply that in a different way: in the form of wage labor, evictions, patriarchy … and in Catalonia, after the referendum, with all the repression. The strength of Europe continues to expand, we continue to have comrades in prison, evictions of historical projects, siege of migrated people, criminalization of abortion, privatization of health, world leaders to decide the future of the population, control and police violence of all colors … And Russia, the Spanish State, Germany, the United States … next to Erdogan. War!

Anarchist ideas taught me the struggle of the civil war revolutionaries, the comrades I have in Europe taught me the strength and the need to interconnect struggles, of internationalist solidarity. The companions of Rojava and Kurdistan have taught me the importance of unity and commitment to raise a land and defend oppressed cultures under mountains of ruins. And all of you have taught me the value of the struggle to defend the territory and the freedom of mothers, sisters, comrades, as well as the construction of another society, of revolutionary values with strong foundations. I look to the future in another way … The destruction of the State, the overthrow of prisons and police stations, the isolation of banks and large companies, the confrontation with fascist and patriarchal policies … are tasks that deserve commitment, decision and courage.

Mutual support, collective decision making, neighbor organization, defense structures, commitment, courage … We are prepared, let’s start walking.

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It’s Not Too Late for Rojava

The Trump administration betrayed the Kurds in Syria. But there is still time to turn things around.

By Edward Hunt, November 14, 2019.

As Turkey continues its devastating military assault on Rojava, the Kurdish-led region of northeastern Syria, officials in Washington are facing a critical decision: allow Turkey to prevail in its campaign of ethnic cleansing against the Kurds or take action to protect them.

The Turkish invasion, which began on October 9, has been devastating for Rojava. According to the United Nations, nearly 180,000 people, including 80,000 children, have been displaced. At the start of the attack, Turkish officials announced that Turkish-led forces had killed more than 200 Kurdish militants. About a week later, Kurdish officials said that more than 200 civilians had been killed.

After gathering witness testimony, Amnesty International reported that Turkish forces and allied militias had committed war crimes. They “have displayed a shameful disregard for civilian life, carrying out serious violations and war crimes, including summary killings and unlawful attacks that have killed and injured civilians,” the human rights organization said.

Speaking before Congress, James Jeffrey, the Trump administration’s special envoy for Syria, acknowledged that “we’ve seen several incidents which we consider war crimes.” He cited the killing of Kurdish politician Hevrin Khalaf and the killings of several defenseless Kurdish prisoners by Turkish-allied militias.

When the Turkish-led forces began their invasion, it was clear that they intended to cleanse the area of its Kurdish population. For years, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has been threatening to drive the Kurdish people out of the area, having directed a similar campaign in Afrin in early 2018.

“We are witnessing ethnic cleansing in Syria by Turkey, the destruction of a reliable ally in the Kurds, and the reemergence of ISIS,” Senator Lindsey Graham (R-SC) tweeted days into the invasion.

U.S. Betrayal

What has made the attack particularly egregious is the fact that the Kurds are allies of the United States. For years, the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) have been working with the U.S. military to fight and defeat the Islamic State in Syria. According to U.S. officials, the Kurdish-led forces have been the most effective fighters on the ground in Syria.

“These were an ally and a very good ally against ISIS, a very effective ally that lost over 10,000 people killed,” Jeffrey noted.

President Trump, who endorsed and facilitated the Turkish attack by withdrawing U.S. forces, defended Turkey’s actions, arguing that the country faced a terrorist threat from the Kurds. Turkey “had to have it cleaned out,” Trump said, referring to the Kurdish-led area along the Turkish border.

Democratic and Republican leaders strongly condemned Trump’s actions, accusing the president of betraying U.S. partners. In several congressional hearings, multiple officials from both political parties blasted the president for opening the door to Turkey’s ethnic cleansing of the Kurds.

“The president of the United States gave a thumbs up to an act of ethnic cleansing,” Congressman Andy Levin (D-MI) said.

Gerry Connolly (D-VA) commented that “the abandonment of the Kurds is one of the most shameful things I’ve seen in over 40 years of association with American foreign policy.”

Although U.S. officials are correct to condemn Trump for betraying the Kurds, they have been downplaying several additional factors that led to the crisis. Since March 2018, when Trump first attempted to abandon the Kurds, the U.S. foreign policy establishment has been trying to appease the Turks and exploit the Kurds in the Syrian Civil War. The U.S. foreign policy establishment did not prepare to keep the Kurds safe, as several officials promised to do.

U.S. attempts to appease the Turks have been a complete failure. In the months before the Turks invaded, U.S. officials encouraged the Kurds to remove their defensive weapons and fortifications from the Turkish border. These actions cleared the way for the Turkish invasion.

“In tearing down those defenses, it left the Kurds much more susceptible to the inevitable attack that came,” Senator Chris Murphy (D-T) said.

Nor did U.S. officials devise a plan to protect the Kurds. They remained focused on exploiting Kurdish control of northeastern Syria as leverage in political negotiations with the Syrian government over the future of Syria.

The month before Turkey launched its invasion, the Syria Study Group (SSG), a special study group convened by Congress, issued a report arguing that “the United States can still influence the outcome of the Syrian war,” in part by maintaining U.S. forces in northeastern Syria and leveraging Kurdish control of Rojava.

“The reason the Syria Study Group talked about needing to retain a U.S. military presence in that one third of Syria was not only about completing the anti-ISIS fight, it was about the broader leverage of that one-third of Syria,” SSG Co-Chair Dana Stroul told Congress. That “is the resource rich part of Syria, which provided us leverage to influence a political outcome in Syria.”

These moves have proven disastrous to the Kurds. Not only has the U.S. foreign policy establishment failed to deter a Turkish attack, but it has created a situation in which the Kurds sought help from the Syrian government. As the Turks began their attack, the Kurds invited Syrian government forces into Rojava, working with them to deter additional attacks.

Perhaps most remarkable, the U.S. foreign policy establishment has not changed its strategy. Despite the fact that Turkish forces are now occupying parts of Rojava and Kurdish allies have turned to Syria for protection, U.S. officials still think they can use the Kurds as leverage against Syrian President Bashar al-Assad.

“My instructions from Secretary Pompeo from day one…was to act to counter Russia’s effort in the Syrian conflict to obtain a military victory for Assad and his Iranian henchmen,” Jeffrey explained. “And that’s what I was doing every day and that’s what my orders remain to do, at least on the Syrian account.”

To prevent the Russians from helping Assad exert additional control over Rojava, the Trump administration is moving hundreds of U.S. military forces into its oil-rich areas, trying to use them as leverage.

According to Gen. Joseph Votel, the former commander of U.S. Central Command, U.S. control provides “a good negotiating leverage point” for future negotiations with the Syrian government.

Supporting the Kurds

Certainly, there are alternatives to these imperial tactics. The simplest and most obvious thing would be for U.S. officials to take into account Kurdish preferences.

At the most basic level, U.S. officials should support the political aspirations of the Kurds, who are trying to create an autonomous region inside Syria. Over the past several years, the Kurds have been leading a leftist social revolution in Rojava, creating a society of “democratic federalism” rooted in the values of ecology, feminism, and direct democracy.

According to Senator Jeff Merkley (D-OR), there has been “a lot of implicit support for supporting the Kurds in the vision that they were carrying,” but U.S. officials have yet to publicly endorse the Kurdish project.

A related option would be for U.S. officials to fulfill their promises to allow the Kurds to participate in negotiations with the Syrian government. Kurdish participation would enable the Kurds to make their case for creating an autonomous region inside Syria.

Another option would be for international forces to work with the Kurds to deter future attacks. U.S. military forces already maintain control of the airspace over northeastern Syria. U.S. forces could enforce a no-fly zone, preventing the Turks from launching aerial attacks. At the same time, international peacekeepers could replace U.S. forces on the ground, patrolling the region to deter future attacks.

Finally, global leaders should take action to hold Turkey accountable by investigating charges of ethnic cleansing and war crimes.

“Let’s be clear: this is intentioned-laced [sic] ethnic cleansing,” U.S. diplomat William Roebuck, the top U.S. diplomat on the ground in Syria, noted in an internal memo. “It is a war crime, when proven.”

Ultimately, the Turkish attack on Rojava should have never happened. The U.S. foreign policy establishment knew all along that Trump would betray the Kurds, that Turkey would not be appeased, and that the Kurds would turn to Assad out of desperation.

“We had long known that Turkey was preparing for this thing,” Jeffrey acknowledged. “Turkey had had troops in place actually for almost a year and had been threatening to do this.”

Fortunately, there is time to turn things around. The Kurds lost over 10,000 people in the war against the Islamic State and still manged to create one of the most promising democratic experiments in the Middle East. They deserve U.S. support.

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‘When they come, they will kill you’: Ethnic cleansing is already a reality in Turkey’s Syrian safe zone

Turkey’s invasion into northern Syria has caused a demographic shift that many fear will become permanent, reports Richard Hall

*Turkish soldiers and Turkey-backed Syrian fighters gather on the northern outskirts of the Syrian city of Manbij in October* *( AFP/Getty )*

The brutal killings were not hidden, nor were they meant to be. From the very beginning of Turkey’s invasion of northern Syria, the fighters it sent across the border to carry out the mission have proudly documented their own war crimes.

Videos posted online by soldiers of the Turkish-backed Syrian National Army (SNA) – showing summary executions, mutilation of corpses, threats against Kurds and widespread looting – have struck terror into the tens of thousands who find themselves in the path of the offensive.

The ethnic dimension to many of the crimes has resulted in a mass exodus of Kurds and religious minorities from these once diverse borderlands.

Now, stranded in displacement camps across northeast Syria and in neighbouring Iraq, they fear they may never be able to return home. And that, they believe, was precisely the point.

“No one can go back there now, it’s impossible,” says Muhammad Amin, 37, a Kurdish man who fled with his family from the city of Ras al-Ayn in the first days of the Turkish-led operation.

“We’ve seen the videos,” he tells The Independent at a camp near the Syrian town of Tal Tamr. “They are shooting Kurdish people where they find them.”

Turkey offensive into Syria

The same story is being told by countless others like Amin, in the camps and temporary shelters that have sprung up in the past two months. Taken together, they paint a picture of a dramatic demographic change.

Turkey launched a long-planned incursion into Syria on 9 October to establish what it described as a “safe zone” some 20 miles deep and 300 miles wide along the border.

Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the Turkish president, claimed the offensive was aimed at removing the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) – a group his country classifies as a terror organisation for its links to Kurdish separatists inside Turkey.

The offensive had been threatened for some time, but was only put into action when President Donald Trump abruptly withdrew US forces from the border. Those forces had been working alongside the SDF in Syria in the fight against Isis.

Turkey has supported the operation with airstrikes, drones and artillery. Leading the fight on the ground is a ragtag patchwork of militias who have fought at Ankara’s behest in two previous offensives. Some of the rebels had spent years fighting to end the rule of President Bashar al-Assad, while others were newly recruited.

The invasion was only a few days old when the first videos were posted online. Some showed the looting by SNA fighters of recently evacuated homes, but the first evidence of more violent war crimes quickly followed.

Havrin Khalaf, a member of the pro-Kurdish Future Syria Party, was travelling along a highway between the town of Ayn Issa and the city of Hasakah on 12 October when her civilian car was attacked.

A video posted online the next day shows SNA fighters, believed to be from the Ahrar al-Sharqiya faction, gather around the car as a woman’s voice is heard from the back seat. Khalaf’s body was later found riddled with bullets and showing signs of torture. An autopsy revealed she had a broken leg and her hair had been pulled so hard parts of her scalp were missing.

On the same day, the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, a UK-based monitoring group, said nine civilians were executed by SNA fighters at a roadblock south of Tal Abyad.

Yet another video showed fighters firing into the body of a deceased man at the side of the road.

These brutal crimes, coming in quick succession, had a chilling effect. Those who hadn’t already fled from Turkish airstrikes now did so in fear of ethnically motivated killing.

“When we saw the murder of the politician, Havrin Khalaf, we saw they did the same thing that Isis did,” says 41-year-old Basima Daoud, a Yazidi woman who fled her village near Ras al-Ayn with her family and is now living in a hastily constructed displacement camp near Tal Tamr.

“We were afraid they would kill us or take us as sex slaves,” she adds, referring to the enslavement of thousands of Yazidi women by Isis in 2015.

In the nearly two months since the operation began, the SNA has captured a swathe of territory between the two border cities of Tal Abyad and Ras al-Ayn that was home to a large population of Kurds, and smaller numbers of Assyrians, Yazidis and Turkmen.

The same area faced massive upheaval just a few years ago when Isis swept across northern Syria. Tal Abyad was occupied by the terror group for more than a year before being recaptured by the SDF.

This time, around 95,000 fled from Tal Abyad and Ras al-Ayn and the surrounding areas, which are now under the control of the SNA. Around half of that number has since returned, but they have been almost exclusively Arab, according to local monitoring groups.

Since the beginning of the campaign, a widespread perception formed among Kurds and other minorities that any non-Arab residents of the area would be targeted by the militias.

A Turkish soldier stands near his armoured vehicle on a highway near the northern Syrian town of Ain Issa in late November (AFP/Getty)

“Our neighbours who were Arab told us to leave. They said, ‘When they come, they will kill you,’” says Daoud. “There were two Christian families in our village who left for the same reason.”

These fears were bolstered by public threats made by the fighters. In one clip, previously reported by The Independent, militia fighters threaten to kill “pigs” and “infidels” as they parade a Kurdish captive. Many similar videos have been shared online.

What happened next only served to convince many Syrian Kurds that these men were serious about their threats.

As the weeks went on, more reports of ethnically motivated killings emerged from the areas recently captured by the SNA. A widespread campaign of looting and confiscation of Kurdish property – much of it also recorded by the perpetrators – and the blocking of return of Kurdish residents by SNA fighters gave the impression that these groups were systematically trying to keep Kurds out.

In a report released this week, Human Rights Watch said it had documented numerous examples of Kurdish homes being confiscated and their possessions looted. In addition, it interviewed three people who said their Kurdish relatives were blocked from returning to areas under SNA control. The rights group also reported that three men who tried to go back to their homes were killed.

Syrian Arab militiamen threaten to massacre Kurdish population

Several residents displaced from the area now under SNA control interviewed by The Independent said their homes had also been looted and their property confiscated. In most cases, they were informed of the takeover of their property by Arab neighbours who had stayed behind.

Daoud was one of them. Her husband is a farmer who owns a substantial tract of land and agricultural equipment.

“Some Arab neighbours called us to tell us the fighters have looted our house and taken it as a headquarters. They have taken our land and our equipment too. They have taken everything,” she says, with tears in her eyes.

One local Yazidi leader told The Independent that 45 Yazidi families had fled from the area around Ras al-Ayn alone. Dozens of Christian families from around Tal Tamr have also left their homes behind.

A girl plays with a ball at a newly opened displacement camp just outside of the city of Tal Tamr, in northeastern Syria (Richard Hall/The Independent)

Fasel Amin, 32, was among the first wave of people who fled the Turkish airstrikes in the initial days of the offensive. Today, he is living in a school used to house displaced people.

“We had a house and a shop. They stole everything. Some family members were able to go back briefly to check and it was all empty,” he says.

“Turkey wants to control the whole area. It wants to change the whole demography of the area – take the Kurds out and bring the Arabs in.”

The question that now haunts Amin and the tens of thousands of others who remain displaced is whether the demographic change that has taken place will be permanent.

Many Syrian Kurds see plenty of reasons which suggest it will be. They only need to point to Turkey’s last operation ostensibly targeting Kurdish militants in the Afrin region. There too, in early 2018, Turkey used the same patchwork group of rebel fighters to take control of the area.

Those rebel fighters have been accused of imposing a reign of terror ever since. A United Nations commission of inquiry found in February that “armed group members in Afrin committed the war crimes of hostage-taking, cruel treatment, torture, and pillage”.

“Numerous cases involving arbitrary arrests and detentions by armed group members also included credible allegations of torture and ill-treatment, often targeting individuals of Kurdish origin, including activists openly critical of armed groups and those perceived to be so,” the UN report added.

More than 130,000 mostly Kurdish residents are still displaced from Afrin, living in camps in the SDF-held region of northeast Syria. Many of their homes are now occupied by Syrians from other parts of the country.

The same process may well play out in Turkey’s latest “safe zone”. Even before the operation began, Ankara repeatedly said that it would use the newly captured territory to facilitate the return of some one million Syrian refugees from Turkey.

Basima Daoud and her family at a displacement camp near Tal Tamr, northern Syrian. Daoud and her family are Kurdish Yazidis. They fear they will be killed if they return to their homes in Turkey’s ‘safe zone’ (Richard Hall/The Independent)

Turkey currently hosts nearly 4 million Syrians, more than any other country in the world. The presence of such a large refugee population has created political problems for Mr Erdogan as the Turkish economy has struggled, and Syrians have been used as a scapegoat for the crisis.

But most of the Syrian refugees in Turkey today are from Sunni Arab areas in Syria. Such a large-scale repatriation to the previously ethnically diverse region where Turkey plans to implement its safe zone would drastically alter its demographics.

Despite Turkish officials frequently insisting that they do not seek to introduce demographic change, that is precisely what is happening. And those insistences have been overshadowed by President Erdogan’s rhetoric.

In an interview with Turkey’s state-run TRT network on 24 October, Mr Erdogan described the area designated for his planned safe zone as unsuitable for Kurds.

“The people most suitable for that area are the Arabs. These areas are not suitable for the lifestyle of the Kurds,” he said.

When pressed by the interviewer to explain why they were not suitable, he replied: “Because these are desert regions.”

This has led some experts to conclude that Turkey is indeed aiming to “Arabise” the land it has captured, and raised the prospect of ethnic cleansing by a Nato power.

“The Turkish incursion into northern Syria demonstrates clear hallmarks of ethnic cleansing,” says Professor Bridget Conley, research director of the World Peace Foundation based at Tufts University.

“Turkish government statements indicated an intent to displace the Kurdish population and replace it with Syrian Arabs, and pursued this policy with repression and human rights abuses,” Professor Conley, who teaches a course called Understanding Mass Atrocities, tells The Independent.

The same assessment was made by the top American diplomat in northern Syria at the time of the Turkish attack. In a damning internal memo, diplomat William V Roebuck criticised the Trump administration for not doing more to stop it.

“Turkey’s military operation in northern Syria, spearheaded by armed Islamist groups on its payroll, represents an intentioned-laced effort at ethnic cleansing, relying on widespread military conflict targeting part the Kurdish heartland along the border and benefiting from several widely publicised, fear-inducing atrocities these forces committed,” the internal memo said.

That memo was leaked a little under a month ago. Since then, even more evidence has emerged of ethnic cleansing. And yet these pleas have elicited little response from Donald Trump, who has seemingly lost interest in a part of the world he described recently as “blood-stained sand”.

In the makeshift camps and busy schools turned into displacement centres that are now scattered across northeast Syria, many watch from afar as their homes are being destroyed and stolen. They share a common feeling of helplessness and betrayal that their former ally, the US, is looking the other way.

“I don’t know how to tell you, but I will try to describe it. It’s like they sent us down the well and cut the rope,” says Aliya al-Ahmed, 31, who has just arrived at a dusty camp near Tal Tamr.

“If those big countries will not solve it, I don’t know what will happen. It is always the poor people who suffer. We have nowhere to go.”

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We stand in solidarity with Rojava, an example to the world

Leaders from social movements, communities and First Nations from around the world, including LaDonna Brave Bull Allard, Eve Ensler and Stuart Basden on the Turkish invasion in north-east Syria

Letters

A Syrian Kurdish woman waves the flag of the Democratic Union Party during a demonstration near the town of Tel Arqam near the Turkish border on 6 October 2019. Photograph: Delil Souleiman/AFP via Getty Images

What is at stake in north-east Syria is more than the fate of the Kurdish people or the autonomous homeland of Rojava or even the fight against Isis. What is at stake is humanity’s ability to survive our current civilisational crisis and to imagine new alternatives before it’s too late.

Turkish prime minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s brutal invasion of Rojava is using 20th-century techniques of extreme violence and genocide, despite a proclaimed “ceasefire”. Turkey’s air force is raining down napalm and white phosphorus on innocent civilians. At the same time, jihadi squads are massacring fleeing civilians as retribution for Rojava’s fight against Isis and their role as arguably the most important ally to the west in the region.

The US, the UK, France, Russia and other alleged superpowers are actively betraying both international law and the Geneva convention by allowing and facilitating the ethnic cleansing and occupation of Rojava. Turkey’s aim is clear: to eradicate what all fascist powers fear most, a free people daring to create brave and successful experiments outside the globalised, extractive system.

Since 2012, around 5 million people – Kurds, Arabs, Assyrians, Turkmen, Yazidis and others – have built the autonomous region of Rojava, demonstrating how a multi-ethnic society can respectfully coexist beyond the constraints of nation state, patriarchy and capitalism. By promoting radically democratic and decentralised self-governance, equity between genders, regenerative agriculture, a justice system based on reconciliation and inclusion of minorities, the Rojava experiment has presented a living example of possibility under the most impossible of circumstances. We encourage readers to review the Rojavan Charter of the Social Contract for inspiration.

Western leaders are feigning empathy while American, German and British weapon manufacturers are actively selling weapons to Turkey. It is clear that the dominant system cannot and will not defend those seeking to explore other ways of knowing and being. As the imprisoned Kurdish leader Abdullah Öcalan writes: “The real power of capitalist modernity isn’t its money and its weapons, [but] its ability to suffocate all utopias […] with its liberalism.”

However, a growing chorus of allies are rising up around the world. From Haiti to Lebanon, from Chile to Iraq, from Cameroon to the US, from the UK to Hong Kong, social revolutions are confronting the rise of fascism, short-termism, greed, climate destruction and warfare that are required to prop up our existing economic paradigm. The battle lines are becoming clearer. Domination versus cooperation, colonisation versus autonomy, oppression versus freedom, patriarchy versus partnership – these values are the warp and weft of the defining struggle for the future of humanity.

For Rojava to survive and for justice to truly prevail, those rising up in their local context must stand together creatively with shared voice, values and visions for global systems change. Rojava is fighting for the same reasons as the awakening majority from around the world. It has shown that the way out of social and ecological crisis is not through GDP-focused “development”, but rather with decentralised autonomous communities.

Making such communities work in more and more places, by regenerating ecosystems, healing our collective trauma and creating social structures of solidarity and trust, is the transformational work of our times. Once we see our struggles as inherently interdependent with each other, and with the web of life itself, no army on the planet will be able to stop the inevitable transition.

As leaders from social movements, communities and First Nations from around the world, we stand in solidarity with the vision and work of Rojava. We pray for their resilience, protection and perseverance. We pray that we will listen to and learn from the living Earth as she continues to show us how to create societies which live in cooperation with all beings. We pray that those in positions of power be reminded of their humanity and end this invasion immediately.
LaDonna Brave Bull Allard Standing Rock, Turtle Island (USA)
Salim Dara Rural Solidarity, Benin
Eve Ensler One Billion Rising, USA
Sabine Lichtenfels Tamera Peace Research Center, Portugal
Tiokasin Ghosthorse First Voices Indigenous Radio, Turtle Island (USA)
Alnoor Ladha The Rules, Canada
Gildardo Tuberquia Peace Community of San José de Apartadó, Colombia
Yael Ronen Maxim Gorki Theater, Germany
Sami Awad Holy Land Trust, Palestine
Gigi Coyle Beyond Boundaries, USA
Joshua Konkankoh Better World, Cameroon
Stuart Basden Extinction Rebellion, UK
Aida Shibli Global Campus, Palestine
Claudio Miranda Favela da Paz, Brazil
Rajendra Singh Tarun Bharat Sangh, India

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SDF statement on the killing of ISIS leader al-Baghdadi

SDF said that the operation had been delayed for more than a month due to the Turkish aggression on their region.

ANF
HESEKE
Sunday, 27 Oct 2019, 18:20

The General Command of the Syrian Democratic Forces held a press conference in Heseke on the killing of ISIS leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi in a joint operation of the SDF and the U.S. near a Turkish military base.

The Kurdish version of the press statement was read by Head of SDF Foreign Relations Office Redur Xelil and the Arabic by SDF Official Spokesman Kino Gabriel.

The statement said the following:

“As a result of the joint efforts of more than five months between the military intelligence of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and the US forces, and in coordination at the highest level, the head of the Islamic State terrorist organization, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, was eliminated in a joint operation near a Turkish military base in Barisha, northern countryside of Idlib province at dawn today. This historic achievement was the result of the close cooperation between the SDF and the United States of America.

We emphasize that this operation was delayed for more than a month due to the Turkish aggression on our region. We consider the operation as a revenge for the massacres committed by the terrorist organization in Kobani, Sinjar, the Khabour Basin, Nineveh Plain, Kirkuk, Khanaqin, Makhmour and revenge for the Kurdish Yazidi women in particular, and a revenge for humanity and all the victims of ISIS crimes worldwide.

The operation took place after our military intelligence documented over the past months the presence of high-ranking ISIS leaders including al-Baghdadi in areas under the military control of the Turkish state. We have shared some of the details regarding this issue with various media outlets after the liberation of the town of Baghouz in March 2019.

We warn the world of the danger that jihadi factions with the Turkish army may enter Ras al-Ain and Tel Abyad areas occupied by Turkey-backed militias and that the region could become another safe-haven in which ISIS may find opportunities to re-organize. We have already indicated that IS member and some senior leaders of the group have already moved to areas controlled by Turkish army in northern Syria. Presence of Turkish army and its mercenaries in Idlib, Afrin and the so-called “Euphrates Shield” areas and the recent operation that led to the killing of al-Baghdadi in the same area where Turkish army is present is yet another evidence of the authenticity of our repeated warnings.

As the SDF, while thanking all parties and forces that have contributed to the success of this historic process, we confirm our continued joint efforts with the international coalition led by the United States of America and that our intelligence services will step up their efforts to pursue and combat the leaders of ISIS and its cells.”

US President Trump: al-Baghdadi is dead

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412 SDF fighters killed in Turkey’s northern Syria offensive: senior Kurdish official

Karwan Faidhi Dri

ERBIL, Kurdistan Region – A senior Kurdish official from northeast Syria said late Thursday that 412 fighters of the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) have been killed since Turkey’s launch of Operation Peace Spring.

Speaking to reporters in Washington, president of the Syrian Democratic Council’s (SDC) Executive Committee Ilham Ahmed announced “confirmed statistics” on their now 22-day-old conflict.

“More than 400,000 people have been forcibly displaced. Some of them stay at schools, while others are homeless. 18,000 of the displaced are children. Five of the medical personnel who were helping the injured were have lost their lives,” said Ahmed.

“Four journalists have been killed. More than 20 schools have been destroyed and 180 schools are out of service. 18,000 students cannot go to school now. 5240 teachers cannot go to work. All the [international] humanitarian organizations have left the arena,” she said, putting the number of SDF “martyrs” at 412.

She added that Turkey and its Syrian proxies currently hold 73 SDF hostages captured during the conflict.

The SDC is the political wing of the multi-ethnic SDF, allied with the US in the fight against Islamic State (ISIS) since it was founded in 2015.

Turkey regards the SDF a terrorist organization due to its alleged link to Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) guerrillas inside Turkey.

It launched Operation Peace Spring on October 9 against the SDF in northern Syria, aiming to drive out Kurdish forces and eventually resettle millions of Syrian refugees who have fled to Turkey since the breakout of Syrian crisis in 2011.

Turkey and its proxies took the towns of Sari Kani (Ras al-Ain) and Gire Spi (Tel Abyad) from the SDF following days of intense fighting.

The offensive was officially paused by Turkey – despite a number of skirmishes – for six days after deals were reached with the US and Russia.

About 1000 US troops were present in the SDF-held areas but pulled out of the area after US President Donald Trump ordered their withdrawal. Only a small number now remain in Syria.

Meanwhile, Ahmed reiterated on Thursday SDC concern for the US response to Turkish incursion.

“The US promised us multiple times that the area where they are present will not be targeted by anyone, but the US did not commit to its promises.”

Kurds have blamed the US for abandoning them after years of joint operations against ISIS. However, the joint mission between US and Kurdish forces to kill ISIS leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi proved some continued alliance between the two sides.

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Report on use of chemical weapons by the Turkish Armed Forces in Northern Syria

Abbas Mansouran 2019-10-28 Epidemiology- Shiraz (Pahlavy) University Iran, Bacteriologist, 1976 MPH in Community Medicine, 1980 Actual Immunology, Stockholm University, Sweden 1990 Research principal in PEAS institute, Sweden since 2013

I came as a medical volunteer from Sweden to help treat those affected by war in Rojava. On October 13th 2019 I joined the medical staff in the main hospital of the Syrian city of Heseke to help the injured and be in close contact with patients. In my time there I have met many patients with severe burns which I would consider abnormal based on my experiences as founder and as the responsible of Hospital Acquired Infection control committee (HAI CC) at the university hospital of Shiraz, Southern Iran. My experiences go back to the first half of the Iran-Iraq war (1980s), including working in the burn’s unit. The shape and appearance of burns injuries I have treated here in Rojava are clearly very different from typical burns. It was immediately apparent to me that they were specifically manifestations of chemical weapon use. They show that Turkish Armed Forces have been using chemical munitions. I can emphasize that white phosphorus other some other unknown chemical such as Dense Inert Metal Explosive (DIME) munitions were used in October in Rojava. We have so far admitted hundreds of patients, mostly civilians including children, women and men with severe injuries as a result of attacks by Turkey and their islamist proxy forces the cities of Serê Kanî (Ras al-Ain), Girê Spi (Tel Abyad) and surrounding villages. In total around 30 victims, mostly civilians, were admitted to Heseke’s main hospital with these severe and unusual burns and smoke injuries to
their faces, ears and other areas. The burn types I have witnessed here are very
different to those I would expect to have been caused by anything other than a
chemical incendiary weapons like white phosphorus. From my experiences I believe
therefore that the Turkish Armed Forces have used chemical weapons against women
and children in civilian areas.
White phosphorous munitions can adhere to clothing and deeply penetrate skin,
causing severe and often fatal burns to the bone. They continue to burn even when
deprived of atmospheric oxygen and do so until complete depletion of the
phosphorous material. This chemical can cause heart, liver, and kidney damages, and
inhalation of white phosphorus smoke may cause fatal respiratory issues.
Features of victims
1. Most of the victims we admitted were civilians
2. All the patients I visited reported that they had been victims of munitions
dropped or fired from unmanned drones in different places and in different
attacks.
3. Most patients reported 2 airstrikes, with bombs dropped one after another.
4. The injuries were black in appearance, deep, variable in size, and consisted
of multiple spots.
5. The victims had been covered by a cool smoke.
6. Pieces of bombs which have adhered to skin caused spots which looked like
droplets.
7. Some of the injured had breathing problems.
8. Smoke had settled over bodies with the appearance of charcoal dust.
9. At least 6 patients had very severe eye burns.
10. Hair and eyebrows were unburned but some deep spots in different size were
considerable.
11. The burns had no signs of foreign particles.
12. Most of patients developed life threatening infection by multi-resistant superbacteria
such as Pseudomonas spp, E.coli and MRSA.
13. Some victims had lost their arms or legs.
14. All victims suffering from a kind of neurotoxicity manifested in peripheral nerves and were irritable and painful sensitive feeling when I touched even the unburned skin.

15. Some victims exhibited hearing loss.

16. Most of them exhibited symptoms similar to those attained from landmines, but no evidence of shrapnel in the wounds was observed.

17. Some of the injured required laparotomy, lung and urinary catheterization.

18. Of the hundreds of patients I met, around 30 with above mentioned manifestations were observed. The Turkish Armed Forces may have used another different kind of chemical bombs similar to Dense inert metal explosive (DIME) bombs. This Tungsten alloy bombs consist of micro shrapnel 1-2 mm of heavy metals as cobalt. tungsten and nickel powder in a micro fibers. The features of injuries by DIME are very similar to white phosphorous munitions and are often fatal[1]. The carcinogenic effects of heavy metal tungsten alloys (HMTA) (along with depleted uranium [DU]) have been studied by the U.S. Armed Forces since at least the year 2000. These alloys were found to cause neoplastic transformations of human osteoblast cells.[2] Rhabdomyosarcoma [3] a tissue cancer is also reported to be caused by DIME bombs. In 2009, a group of Italian scientists affiliated with the New Weapons Research Committee (NWRC) watchdog group pronounced DIME wounds “untreatable” because the powdered tungsten they dispense cannot be removed surgically.[4] Because of the severity and life-threatening situations of injured and shortage of medical care in Rojava we had to transfer most of the injured to hospitals in Iraqi Kurdistan. These patients should be followed up for any carcinogenic and other complications effects. The names, dates and locations of attacks, and all above statements are documented and available on request.

References

1. DIME bomb toxicity, Author: Médecins Sans Frontières France, Published: 31 March 2016. https://issuu.com/msffr/docs/dime_bomb_toxcity_04122015_short.pp

2. Neoplastic transformation of human osteoblast cells to the tumorigenic phenotype by heavy metal–tungsten alloy particles: induction of genotoxic effects. Carcinogenesis, Vol. 22, No. 1, 115–125, January 2001

3. Kalinich, J. F.; Emond, C. A.; Dalton, T. K.; Mog, S. R.; Coleman, G. D.; Kordell, J. E.; Miller, A. C.; McClain, D. E. (2005). “Embedded Weapons-Grade Tungsten Alloy Shrapnel Rapidly Induces Metastatic High-Grade Rhabdomyosarcomas in F344 Rats”. Environmental Health Perspectives. 113 (6): 729–734. doi:10.1289/ehp.7791. PMC 1257598. PMID 15929896.

4. “Gaza: Israel under fire for alleged white phosphorus use”, Christian Science Monitor, January 14, 2009, by Robert Marquand and Nicholas Blanfo

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Syria: videos of Turkey-backed militias show ‘potential war crimes’

Arab forces have allegedly been filmed torturing Kurdish fighters and mutilating bodies

Martin Chulov Middle East correspondent

Turkey-backed fighters have taken over an area along the border after a weeklong operation to push Kurds further into Syria. Photograph: Bakr Alkasem/AFP via Getty Images

Calls for war crimes investigations into the conduct of militias used by Turkey in Syria are mounting after a spate of new videos depicting Ankara-linked fighters torturing captives and mutilating dead bodies.Footage of atrocities allegedly committed by Arab forces in northern Syria is circulating widely across Kurdish regions of the country, sparking fears of renewed fighting and a deepening ethnic divide in the region, even as a tenuous ceasefire begins to settle.

A video purportedly posted earlier this week by one Turkish-supported group shows a captured Kurdish fighter being dragged by the neck as his captors threaten him with beheading. Another shows dead Kurdish fighters being cut with a knife as Arab combatants jeer.

Kurdish officials, along with the US special envoy for Syria , James Jeffrey, have condemned the videos, with the latter describing them as “potential war crimes” while the Kurds insist they represent ethnic cleansing.

Up to 170,000 Kurds have fled a battle zone along the Turkish border after a weeklong operation to push Kurds further into Syria.

Ankara has openly stated that it aims to send up to a million Syrians, who are currently living in exile in Turkey, into the area it has since dubbed a safe zone. Where the newly displaced – most of whom are Kurds – will settle remains uncertain, as does whether the recent spate of ethnic violence can be contained.

“One of our main challenges is to contain the emotional reaction,” said a senior Kurdish official, Arshan Mizgen Ahmad. “Those who killed here are not from this part of Syria. We are trying as an administration to calm them down.

“It is not a blood dispute in the usual sense of the term. This has been a cultural move that has been prevailing for centuries. We are trying another approach. We have made great efforts not to see it as a blood dispute, but as a political manoeuver,” she said.

Ankara’s proxies are comprised of Syrians who fought against the Assad regime, and other groups who have since been recruited as hired hands. They also include several extremist units, who were responsible for the execution of the Kurdish female politician, Hevrin Khalaf, who was hauled from her car two weeks ago and shot dead by a roadside along with her bodyguards.rtisement

Elizabeth Tsurkov, a fellow at the Foreign Policy Research Institute who has studied the Turkish proxies, said: “The factions fighting on Turkey’s behalf are largely made up of young men displaced from their towns and villages from across Syria and particularly eastern Syria.

“In 2016, it was clear to many Syrians that Turkey has altered its position regarding the Assad regime and will no longer attempt to topple it, and hence, those who joined this force after 2016 were often individuals willing to fight, in exchange for money, to advance Turkey’s interests.”

Ankara has denied sanctioning any atrocities in Syria amid reports it has used white phosphorus. Turkish military officials say they are investigating reports of executions.

“Turkey retains control over all strategic decision-making,” said Tsurkov. “It decides when and where to start and end offensives. Turkey pays the salaries of these fighters, trains them in Turkey and in northern Aleppo, provides them free medical care when they are injured, and oversees all operations. Turkey is ultimately responsible for the conduct of these factions.”

Meanwhile, Kurdish officials were struggling to make sense of Donald Trump’s announcement that he was sending US tanks to secure oil fields in Deir Azzour, in far eastern Syria. The surprise move came after his widely condemned decision to withdraw all US forces who were working alongside the Kurds on Turkey’s border, ahead of the operation in early October.

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Hevrin Khalaf and the spirit of the democratic nation

October 24, 2019

Autonomy & Authority

Days after Turkey’s invasion of Rojava, Kurdish politician Hevrin Khalaf was assassinated. In this interview from last year, she shares her thoughts on the Rojava revolution.

Author Azize Aslan

My name is Hevrin, from Derik, a city in Rojava. I studied and lived there, but now my work is in Qamishlo. I studied civil engineering in Aleppo for five years and I completed my education in 2009. After working for the government for one year, the revolution started. This was in 2011.

My family deserves the credit for my participation in the Rojava revolution; they are patriotic and have been organized for years. They always took me to meetings and social events. In other words, I have never been far away from political organizing and have always had strong roots in our society.

This may be the case everywhere in the Middle East, but especially in Rojava there still exists a strong unity and solidarity among our people. Living together, or what we call ‘communal living’ is still alive and common today. I am also part of this communal society.

These were Hevrin Khalaf’s words in the spring of 2018 when I met her. On October 12, 2019, three days after Turkey launched its military offensive into northern Syria, she was brutally murdered. According to reports by the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, she was dragged out of her car and shot in cold blood on the road. Her autopsy reveals she was shot, beaten with heavy objects and dragged by her hair until the skin on her scalp came off.

I do not know how many times I have listened to our interview recordings since I heard the horrible news of Hevrin’s death. She describes Rojava and her struggle with such pride. I wanted to hear these honorable words, because they also explain many of the reasons for the war against Rojava and Kurds. This interview is an attempt to bring justice to the brave work that Hevrin Khalaf did for her people and for the people of Rojava.

I met Hevrin Khalaf (Hevrîn Xelef, in Kurdish) in the spring of 2018 when she was the co-chair of the Ministry of Economy of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria, better known as Rojava. The day before, she had lost her comrade Gerdo, with whom she had struggled together for many years; she was returning from Gerdo’s house in Tirbespîyê , and I remember when she called me to say that she was sorry for being late and that she was on her way.

A lifelong struggle

While I waited for Hevrin in the garden of the Ministry of Economy, sitting in the shadow of a tree, I chatted and smoked with the woman responsible for the Asayişa JIN, the women security forces in Rojava. She looked so strong and autonomous that when I saw the ring on her finger, I must admit I was a little surprised and asked her if she was married; “I’m married, but my husband works for the community security forces in another part of Rojava,” she said. A little embarrassed, she laughingly confessed: “We forgot that we were married once the revolution happened.”

Women in Rojava have always sought to transform the revolution, which everyone knows as a women’s revolution, into a social revolution. Hevrin struggled for this all her life and was murdered while fighting for it.

I had already heard about the beauty and dignity of Hevrin, and indeed, when she arrived, her swollen eyes and sadness from crying for Gerdo could not hide her beauty, nor did her fatigue obstruct her hospitality; while greeting me, she immediately inquired if I was hungry and if I had something to eat.

During my stay in Rojava, I had no relations with money; every day I ate and drank tea in the communal kitchens of one of the many local institutions or civilian houses along the way. There, it was evident that money does not dominate all social relations. Sometimes the people in Rojava were making fun of me; joking that if I had come during the time of war and embargo, they would have only given me soup.

A society build around communes and assemblies

Along with the revolution, a social economy had been organized in Rojava. At the time of our meeting, Hevrin was a spokesperson and co-chair of the Ministry of Economy for over two years.

There are three important pillars for organizing a social economy. The first one is the economy for social needs, which unlike in a capitalist economy, is not focused on maximizing profit. The second pillar is ecology and the ecologically responsible production of society’s needs. The third pillar is the creation and control of a fair market. These three pillars are very important for the social economy, and we want to make these a reality.

Rojava is not only the territory where a revolution is taking place, it is also a territory where the idea of a revolution is being redefined. Rojava is the place where a social revolution is taking place; where the notion of the “classical revolution” — based on the idea of transforming society through the seizure of power — is rejected.

The Kurdish movement of Rojava refuses to take power; instead, it mobilizes in an organizational modality that forms a network of assemblies that allows the people to become the subjects of their decision-making processes, offering the principle of self-determination for autonomy. That is, the Kurds are rejecting the basic component of a state: its power to make and implement decisions from the top down.

In other words, unlike other parts of Syria, the Kurds are not just another armed faction, but a militant popular movement that promotes horizontal self-determination and autonomy by and for the people of northern Syria. As Hevrin explained:

We should understand the main difference between the revolution in the rest of Syria and the revolution in Rojava. Let me give you an example, last night there was a public gathering. There was a teacher from Deraa. You probably know the significance of Deraa as the spark that lit the fire of the Syrian revolution back in 2011.

However, it could not go further.

Yesterday he told us that in Deraa, after the city was liberated from the regime seven years ago, nothing else was done; no organization, no service, no administration. Only a group of soldiers arrived to rule. That means whoever has guns can has power there. Our most important difference is this.

The first thing that was done in Rojava, and later in the broader region of northern and eastern Syria after it was liberated from ISIS, was the establishment of regional cantonal assemblies in agreement with the people living there, as the subjects of their own decisions. The sanctioning of, or participation in these assemblies by armed forces, was banned by the social contract of Rojava and northern Syria.

The purpose of the popular assembly-based system in Rojava is to organize an anti-capitalist and autonomous model for a stateless, anti-patriarchal and ecological society. Democratic autonomy, which is organized around the commune, is not a political party organization or government, although it recognizes political parties. Communes and popular assemblies, which are the main bodies of societal organization, constitute a self-government.

The spirit of a democratic nation

Unlike ethnic and religious conflicts that have transformed the Middle East into a war zone, democratic autonomy is guaranteed by the communes for all institutions of autonomous government on the basis of a “democratic nation”.

It was evident from the tone of her voice that Hevrin had captured the spirit of the democratic nation, just like her Assyrian comrade Gerdo:

Ever since the movement began organizing itself, they [militants of the Kurdish movement] have been explaining the solution [democratic autonomy] with Öcalan’s prison writings. In his work, there is a solution for the entire Middle East and Rojava. So, the political solution is already there, we just need to implement it.

This is why, when overthrowing a system, that you need to replace what was previously there with an alternative vision. If you don’t have an alternative, what you’ve destroyed might turn into something worse.

In other words, when the revolution started and the state left with all of its institutions — it remained only in a few places — if we didn’t have our alternative system and if our people were not ready, it would have been impossible for us to achieve a real liberation by simply establishing institutions.

In order to build this alternative system, we started with Mala Gel [People’s Houses] and Mala JIN [Women’s Houses]. All the institutions of society were created separately. If our society is recognized, it is best known for the women’s organizations. So, when people talk about the revolution in Rojava, they call it the Şoreşa JIN [Women’s Revolution]. The women started by building the Women’s Houses whose aim was to organize the women’s movement.

They were formed to create the common mind of women and to emancipate them from the dark and deprived situations in which they often find themselves, and have them become the leaders of this social revolution. Because we know that when a woman becomes a leader, society becomes a leader with her and transforms itself. The freedom of women and society are interdependent.

When I joined the revolution, my first place was in the Nurî Dersîm academy, where the political formation of society took place. I worked there for a time. At that time, the autonomous government had been declared, but prior to that my comrades suggested that I should take part in it. After the declaration of the autonomous government, I became the co-chair of the Ministry of Energy.

We worked with mamoste Gerdo, whom we lost yesterday, for three months. We worked with heval Gerdo since day one of the autonomous government. Many times he would say: we started the struggle together, and we will finish it together. He was our Assyrian friend and a very good person. He was a very good person in terms of human morality.

When we would talk about the terms of the democratic nation, I always said to him: you were our first friend who understood the democratic nation even though it wasn’t an explicit part of our political program yet. Because he understood and realized this; it was part of his nature.

He came from the city of Tirbespîyê and in this city people were living together in peace, so I was observing his nature in his relationships with Arabs and Kurds, Muslims and Assyrians. He repeated many times: ‘Serok [honorary title of Abdullah Öcalan] made us aware of it, and so we are very comfortable with it. We didn’t know that as Assyrians we had such rights; we had forgotten about it, but now we know our cultural and political rights, thanks to his prison writings.’

Gerdo always said that we must defend the project of democratic autonomy. He did so very quietly, but we worked with the spirit of a democratic nation for more than four years together. He really had the spirit of the democratic nation.

If there is one good thing about this autonomous government, it is the unity of the people. An Assyrian works with the Kurds, a Kurd with the Arabs. This wasn’t something that could have been achieved easily. This alone is a revolution.

Transforming gender relations

Hevrin had learned from her mother to be strong and revolutionary. As such, she joined the resistance as soon as the revolution began and held various positions. When she was discussing the social economy with me, she said that she would no longer be involved in the economic dimension of the movement.

After the liberation of regions like Raqqa and Deir Ezzor, she was offered to be co-president of the Syrian Future Party (SFP), which aims to establish a social consensus for peace and to eliminate the hostility that was historically generated by the Ba’ath regime between Kurds and Arabs. She brought this up casually and I could tell that she did not want to quit her job organizing the social economy of Rojava and that she did not want to participate in the SFP, but that she would not reject the offer of her comrades.

She added that she felt that she had become intertwined with the people working in the economic area and that they had managed to solve many realistic problems together. However, given that many aligned Arab tribes had not accepted the system of co-presidency, she knew she had a responsibility to take her place in the party in order to fight until such a system was accepted.

The system of having a co-chair or co-spokesperson is a praxis that provides women and men equal rights of speech and decision-making and which can be seen in every institution and organizational structure of the Kurdish freedom movement and dates back to a decision taken by a Kurdish women’s organizations in the 1990s. It is the first praxis of this nature among freedom movements in the world. Hevrin said that the adoption of the co-chair system was not easy, and that it would be an ongoing struggle:

After the declaration of the autonomous government, women’s work has become more and more prominent. All institutions of the autonomous administration are paying special attention to women’s issues, but there is always one institution focused on women exclusively..We do not encourage that women’s issues should be prioritized over general ones, but we do insist that women’s issues are taken into account in every institution.

In order to rekindle the extinguished fire in the history of women, we must intervene and support women’s organizations in every way possible. Until when? Until women and men can work together equally.

For example, the co-presidency system is not accepted in many regions. It has not been sufficiently internalized, even in the many institutions that we have established since the start of the revolution. In other words, to see each other as co-chairs, to know that decisions should be taken together equally, is an idea and a practice that has not yet been fully implemented in our culture.

It works very well in some places, but remember that it is not possible to change a millennia-old mentality in just two years. For example, when we talk about co-chairs, they immediately tell us that this right is only a woman’s right. The co-chair system does not exist solely for women — because the nature of women’s work is to work collectively, it therefore also assures men’s rights. Women see the co-chair system as a way of working with men, in other words, women see the right to work together also as a men’s rights issue.

For example, when we talk about co-chairing in newly-liberated areas, there is a perception that we are doing something for women, but that is not the case; co-chairing is not just for women, it is also for men. It is true, for example, that the decision to apply the co-chair system everywhere was conceived in women’s organizational spaces and actions, but from the beginning we recognized that this system would not only be beneficial for women, but also for all people in northern Syria. So, everyone has the right to act with his or her comrade.

This type of system may be perceived like this at first because there is no other example of it in the world. Sometimes I am very surprised, for example, when my male friends say, ‘Okay, let’s not argue too much, there is a co-chair system and our female friends here should not be offended.’ When I heard this, I said ‘We must accept this system not because otherwise women might get offended, but so that men’s voices do not disappear in society.’

Co-presidency does not mean destroying men, it means transforming gender relations inside our institutions and society. In single-presidency systems, the president is either a man or a woman. Therefore, in order to achieve real transformation in autonomous government, it was necessary to decide on the co-chair system.

For example, when the autonomous government was declared, all ministries had a presidential system; one president and two vice-presidents; now there are two co-chairs and three vice-presidents. Not only in ministries, but in all institutions.

The co-chairing first started in the canton of Cizre, then Kobane and now this system has also begun in Afrin. However, of course the Afrin cantonal assembly had also worked with the a de facto co-chair system from the beginning. In fact, even this was strange, as an example the first president of the Cizre canton was a man: Abdulkerim Saruhan; in Kobane also a man: Enver Muslim; but in Afrin it was a woman: Hevi Mustafa. Hevi Mustafa had a male co-chair even though the autonomous government had not yet decided on the co-chair system yet. But because she was a woman, the co-chair system was adopted de facto. It wasn’t implemented there yet. So, this tells us is that if the president is a man, they can continue as a presidential system, but if the president is a woman, she is not allowed to be without a male co-chair.

I laughed, and she laughed too; in that moment I saw the beautiful smile of Hevrin that no doubt stays with everyone who had seen it.

Even after her death, the importance of her struggle was once again made clear: Hevrin was not recognized as co-chair of the Syrian Future Party establishment, but rather referred to as the party’s “secretary general.”

She was a woman who was a co-president in her daily practice; I have no doubt that she continued her struggle with this spirit of resistance until the day she was murdered.

Hevrin Khalaf was smiling in front of me as a co-chair; this was undoubtedly the victory smile I saw in the eyes and faces of all women in Rojava; this honorable smile that destroyed patriarchy. So defending Rojava means defending that honorable smile!

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

SDF’s Xelil: Turkish army violated the ceasefire 37 times

Redur Xelil said that the Turkish state violated the ceasefire 37 times since October 18.

ANF
NEWS DESK
Monday, 21 Oct 2019, 20:00

Speaking to ANHA, Head of SDF Public Relations Office Redur Xelil said that the Turkish state has not adhered to the ceasefire declared on October 18 as it continued its attacks against North and East Syria.

According to figures announced by Xelil, the occupation forces have violated the ceasefire 37 times, with 10 airstrikes and 27 ground attacks.

Figures of the violation of ceasefire are as follows;

18 October 2019

Ground attacks: 7

Air strikes: 5

Artillery attacks: 4

SDF fighters martyred: 9

SDF fighters injured: 41

19 October 2019

Ground attacks: 3

Air strikes: 2

Artillery attacks: 3

SDF fighters martyred: 17

SDF fighters injured: 25

20 October 2019

Ground attacks: 2

Air strikes: 1

Artillery attacks: 4

SDF fighters martyred: 16

SDF fighters injured: 3

21 October 2019

Ground attacks: 1

Air strikes: 2

Artillery attacks: 3

SDF fighters martyred: 15

SDF fighters injured: 21

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

The assault on Rojava

New Internationalist 11 October 2019

Turkey

Rahila Gupta on why Turkey is encroaching on Rojava, an autonomous democratic commune fighting on the frontlines against ISIS.

On 9 October, Turkey began a military invasion on northern Syria to attack the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). It’s an open secret that Turkey has been waiting in the wings for an opportunity to annihilate the Kurdish autonomous region Rojava in northeastern Syria, ever since it was established in 2012 while Assad’s attention was focussed on the civil uprising, part of the Arab Spring, in the south.

According to President Erdoğan of Turkey, the Kurdish struggle for self-determination, in south-east Turkey, led by the PKK (Partiya Karkerên Kurdistanê) which is proscribed by the authorities as ‘terrorist’, is closely related to the PYD (Democratic Union Party) in Rojava.

There is no doubt that theirs is a shared ideology, one that has been formulated by their joint leader, Abdullah Öcalan, now in his 21^st year of incarceration in a Turkish prison. But the PYD’s organizing principle is democratic confederalism: a system of direct democracy, ecological sustainability and ethnic inclusivity, where women have veto powers on new legislation and share all institutional positions with men.

Within the short time since forming Rojava’s democratic experiment, child marriage, forced marriage, dowry and polygamy were banned; honour killings, violence and discrimination against women were criminalized. It is the only part of Syria where sharia councils have been abolished and religion has been consigned to the private sphere.

This is a blueprint for the kind of society that many of us have been campaigning for all our lives – and yet it is the best kept secret in the world. Most people, by now, know that the Kurds were the most reliable boots on the ground when it came to the battle against ISIS. Much of the widespread condemnation of Turkey’s aggression is articulated in terms of the US abandoning its loyal ally. While that is certainly true, what few people know is the kind of society that will be destroyed.

Collateral damage

The writing has been on the wall almost from the moment that the US and its European allies provided air cover to the embattled Kurds surrounded by ISIS in the famous battle of Kobane, northeastern Syria, which lasted more than four months from September 2014 to January 2015.

The US had been reluctant to help because its NATO ally, Turkey, would have preferred the defeat of the Kurds to ISIS. The entry of the US into the war turned around the fortunes of the Kurds. However, it was a purely transactional relationship. When Kobane lay in ruins because of the aerial bombing, the US did not provide funds for reconstruction nor did they pressure Turkey to open its borders so that Rojava could bring in much needed rebuilding materials.

Indeed until the military defeat of ISIS and the intermittent closure of the border with Iraqi Kurdistan, Rojava was basically blockaded. The US was not expected to have any interest in a society built on anti-capitalist and anti-patriarchal ideas which were antithetical to everything it stood for.

The Kurds have been under no illusions about the superpower on whom they were forced to rely and knew that Turkey would move in as soon as the US vacated the space. Not even waiting till US evacuation, the westernmost cantonment of Afrin was invaded by Turkey in January 2018 and has been occupied ever since. And in February 2019, the last stronghold of ISIS at Baghouz collapsed. Within months, the US is leaving although the received wisdom is that the threat from ISIS is not over.

There are 12,000 ISIS prisoners (and 100,000 women and children, members of the ISIS fighters’ families) being held by the overstretched Kurds whose attention is now focussed on the Turkish invasion. These prisons and camps have become highly dangerous places where ISIS fighters are regrouping to relaunch their attacks.

Women have been killed and others injured in riots in the camps which broke out when ISIS enforcers imposed sharia dress codes on non-ISIS related women. Turkey has facilitated ISIS with arms and became a conduit for ISIS fighters crossing its border into Syria in what became known as the jihadi highway. If these prisons were to fall into the hands of Turkey, it would be bad news for all of us.

A source based in Tell Abyad (Kurdish name: Girê Spî) from the autonomous administration of north-east Syria, which is one of the towns currently facing Turkish bombing, told me: ‘Half the population of the town has been displaced. There is heavy fighting in the city between the Free Syrian Army, which is full of jihadi groups and the SDF (Syrian Democratic Force). Turkish F-16s are bombarding the city. I and my family are planning to move to a safe town nearby. We cannot remain if the jihadis take control of the city.’

Another source from the Foreign Relations Committee of Rojava believes that the town will fall fairly soon, a fate that could have been avoided if aerial bombing had not occurred. He added that aerial bombing was taking place all along the border, as far east as Qamishli, the de facto capital of Rojava, where five people died yesterday.

The Kurds have been asking for the imposition of a No-Fly zone monitored by international forces. That would certainly reduce civilian deaths and give the Kurds an equal fighting chance in which they always excel. Stopping arms sales to Turkey would also be an important step. Norway has begun the process. There has been a long running campaign of boycotting Turkish goods and tourism which provides the funds to help Turkey buy arms. NATO allies should also consider ejecting Turkey from its membership. These are some of the concrete ways in which UK, US and Europe can bring pressure to bear on Turkey.

What is interesting so far is the absence of comment from President Assad. After all, he and Erdoğan have been sworn enemies. Perhaps Assad wants Erdoğan to finish his dirty work for him and get rid of the final thorn in his side. It is a dangerous strategy indeed to allow an arch enemy to occupy your land to get rid of a harmless people that are not even demanding secession. They simply want to be left in peace to continue their democratic experiment. That is what many of us want too – a beacon of hope to inspire us to bring about radical changes in the way we live.

$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$

HEYVA SORA KURD (KURDISH RED CRESCENT)

17.10.2019

Turkish military and Islamic groups invasion in Northeast Syria:

On October 9, 2019 the Turkish army with islamic allies started an offensive targeting

mainly the area betweeen Sere Kaniye and Tell Abiad. SDF in turn started to defend it.

After few hours a massive displacement of population started toward south areas of

Hasake, Raqqa, Ein issa and Tel Tamir. Below the detailed report day by day with

photos and the casualties recorded.

(EDITOR : In order to get this report out urgently I have not adjusted the layout but it should be self explanatory)

16 and 17 of October,2019

The paramedic Hail al-Salih, he passed away today after he was injured with 3 other nurses in Asadiya south of Raselein on 15th of October

The main attack is concentrating on Ras Al Ain. Since the beginning of the attack the

access was already very limited. But since the night of 16th we had no access at all

anymore.

The capacity of Tiltemir hospital, which is the main Hospital to respond to all the

injuries from Ras Al Ain had to decrease drastically since the clashes were very near

and attacks to the hospital very likely. We evacuated most of our teams and

continued just with a small team.

In the hospital of Ras Al Ain is still a small team of department of health working but

with very limited capacities, they inform us, that there is many injured people which

they cannot treat and will probably die because of the lack of services. KRC

submitted an official call for help to ICRC and all humanitarian organizations:

There is a strong attack on towns and cities of North-East Syria, especially Ras al-Ayn

city. This is the most ferocious attack by Turkish military forces and allied Syrian

militias.

The city is suffering shelling, artillery, airstrikes and ground incursions with tanks and

heavy weapons. This has led to many civilian injuries, and since our medical teams

have been targeted we are unable to enter the city to rescue the casualties.

We are requesting that you respond to this appeal and intervene according to

humanitarian duties in order to bring an end to the airstrikes and ensure our permission

for the evacuation of civilian injuries.

Otherwise, we call on your direct intervention into the city. Without either intervention,

we will experience a full humanitarian disaster and lose hundreds of civilian live.

17/10/2019

Qamishli – 12:33 PM

GoS forces accompanied by GoR military police have officially entered Menbij town.

Prior to this, pro-GoS TV presenters were observed in the center of the town, reporting

of widespread call from the community for GoS intervention in the area. Asayish, later

stopped the filming and asked the reporters to leave the town. In the meantime, CF

have announced officially that they have withdrawn from Menbij and no longer have

active personnel in the area.

Along the M4, SDF have continued clashes and advances near Alyia Silos area (25km

East of Tell Tamr on the M4), followed by GoS establishing a new position

in Terwazieyeh village coming from Ein Issa town – thus making a large part of the M4

now under GoS/SDF control.

Unknown weapons attacks in Ras al Ain:

Hasake national Hospital received some patients, Civilian and Military, with burns (level 2 and level 3 ) after airstrikes. 6 patients where discovered with different symptoms. By time of writing this report an investigation of their symptoms is taking place to evaluate the symptoms and to check by which kind of weapon they got targeted. Some medias published the use of forbidden weapons. We as Kurdish Red Crescent can not confirm the use of chemical weapons yet, but working together with our international partners to investigate this subject.

Civilian casualties since the 9th of October– starting the Turkish invasion- recorded by KRC team

Dead: 44 in total recorded by KRC of them, male and female in Ras al Ain and Maabada.

Many of the Dead could not be registered due to distortion and there is a number that KRC

could not record. From the massacre of the civilian convoy 6 victims has been registered, in orange below, on the 11 certified.

Injured and shocked: 171 registered by KRC. From the massacre of the civilian convoy,

Series Name Gender Age Place of residence

Type of injury Casualties Date

1 Hamid Riyad Male 23 Qamishlo Wound in shoulder 09/10/2019

2 Rojin Mohammad Hani Female 18 Keyl Hasnak shrapnel in thigh 09/10/2019

3 Ahmad Othman Male 24 chil agha Wound and shrapnel in arm

09/10/2019

4 Alih ALhassafi

Saeed Male 32 chil agha shrapnel in

arm 09/10/2019

5 Basel Moudar

ALhamdal Male 20 Serekaniye Multiple

shrapnel 09/10/2019

6 Yousef Mohammad

Alih Anz Male 28

Western

neighborhood

in Qamishlo

shrapnel 09/10/2019

7 Turkiya Hajji Female 16 Qamishlo shrapnel in

head 09/10/2019

8 Abdulghani delf Male 15 Qamishlo Injury in head 09/10/2019

9 Majid Hamo Male 37 Qamishlo shrapnel in

ankle 09/10/2019

10 Jamil Hamo Male 50 Qamishlo

shrapnel in the

behind section

of theigh

09/10/2019

11 Hussien Hamo Male 10 Qamishlo shrapnel in

head 09/10/2019

12 Abdulghani Hamo Male 17 Qamishlo

shrapnel in the

behind section

of theigh

09/10/2019

13 Juliet Yaqoub

Nicola Female 30 Qamishlo shrapnel in

back 09/10/2019

14 Fadi Sabri Habsono Male 32 Qamishlo shrapnel in

belly and back 09/10/2019

15 Mohammad Haj

Qadur Ismael Male

Matlaka

village/Gire

sipi

Martyred 09/10/2019

16 Rabiea Ismael Female

Matlaka

village/Gire

sipi

Martyred 09/10/2019

17 Akram yousef Male Qamishlo Martyred 09/10/2019

18 Dalil Mousa Male 32

Western

neighborhood /

Qamishlo

09/10/2019

19 Basel Matar

Mohammad Male 19 Serekaniye shrapnel in

body 09/10/2019

20 Yehya Ibrahim

Aljasem Male 25 Derbasiye shrapnel and

neck injury 09/10/2019

21 Ahmad Khodr

Dandar Male Ashmia village/

Kobani 09/10/2019

22 Mohammad Ahmad

Aljasm Male Beshioukh

village Kobani 09/10/2019

23 Shahin Omar Kersh Male Ashmia village

/ Kobani 10/10/2019

24 Ali Moustafa

Moustafa Male Tabqa Multiple

shrapnel 10/10/2019

25 Ammar abdu

Altaym Male 18 Serekaniye Martyred 10/10/2019

26 Ahmad Mohammad

Altaym Male 24 Serekaniye Martyred 10/10/2019

27 Bashshar Ahmad

Sanjar Male 19 Serekaniye Martyred 10/10/2019

28 Ahmad Jasem

Alabed Male 21 Serekaniye Martyred 10/10/2019

Ezzeldeen

Abdulaziz

Mohammad

Male 18 Serekaniye Martyred 10/10/2019

30 Ibrahim Ali Male 39 Serekaniye Gun shot in

humerus 10/10/2019

31 Abdulaziz Jasem Male 35 Serekaniye Abdomen

injury 10/10/2019

32 Khalaf Aboud

Alkhaled Male 55 Serekaniye Head shot Martyred 10/10/2019

33 Abdulghani Bashir Male 16 Qedurbeck /

Qamishlo

shrapnel in

head 10/10/2019

34 Dalil Abdulhalim Male 30 Qamishlo Leg broken 10/10/2019

35 Serdar Yousef Male 30 Qamishlo Opened

abdomen 10/10/2019

36 Ibrahim Mamdouh Male 39 Qamishlo shrapnel in

arm 10/10/2019

37 Bahoz Saeed Male 38 Qamishlo Arm broken 10/10/2019

38 Qaymet Mousa Female 45 Qamishlo shrapnel in the

right shoulder 10/10/2019

39 Amina Mardini Female 73 Qedurbeck /

Qamishlo

shrapnel in the

abdomen Martyred 10/10/2019

40 Mahmoud Ahmad

Alhamawi Male 19 Himo /

Qamishlo 10/10/2019

41 Hamed Hawas Male 40 Terbesipiye 10/10/2019

42 Jankin Ahmad

Mourad Female 35

Qamishlo /

swes canal

neighborhood

Opened

abdomen 10/10/2019

43 Abdulkarim Aleid Male 28 chil agha 10/10/2019

44 Mohammad Yousef

Hussien Male 11 Qedurbeck /

Qamishlo Martyred 10/10/2019

45 Sarah yousef

Hussien Female 8 Qedurbeck /

Qamishlo

Feet

amputation 10/10/2019

46 Ahmad Abu Rana Male Qedurbeck /

Qamishlo Martyred 10/10/2019

47 Sozdar Ali Biro Male 37 Serekaniye

Left arm

fracture /

gunshot

10/10/2019

48 Ramadan Jasim

Tuhaini Male 60 Serekaniye

Broken legs

and left

forearm

10/10/2019

49 Eidan Sheikh

Ahmad Male 60 Kobani Martyred 11/10/2019

50 Dilgesh Mahmoud

Mohammad Male 15 Qamishlo shrapnel 11/10/2019

51 Dalil Abdulmajid

Ali Male 26 Qamishlo Multiple

shrapnel 11/10/2019

52 Bedran Rakan

Mahmou Male 35 Qamishlo shrapnel 11/10/2019

53 Daysam Emad

Sulieman Male 13 Tel ziwan \

Terbesipiye

shrapnel in the

head 11/10/2019

54 Majed Mohmmad

Sultan Albakr Male 40 Serekaniye Wounds in the

head 11/10/2019

55 Abdulmajeed Koni Male 50 Serekaniye Wounds in the

head 11/10/2019

56 Idrees Seydo Male 5 Serekaniye Shock 11/10/2019

57 Amina Abdu

Sheikhi Female 55 Serekaniye Gun shot in

left foot 11/10/2019

58 George Abdulahad Male 64 Serekaniye shrapnel in the

back 11/10/2019

59 Maso’ud Ali Mahdi Male 35 Qamishlo

Injury in

abdomen and

head

11/10/2019

60 Hussien Sulieman

Ibrahim Male 60 Qamishlo Martyred 11/10/2019

61 Hajji Hussien Male 70 Martyred 11/10/2019

62 Dakhil Mohammad

alHussien Male 55 Serekaniye shrapnel in

chest / traumas 11/10/2019

63 Qais Alsheikh Male 15 Serekaniye Martyred 11/10/2019

64 Mohammad Ali

Othman Male 26 Qamishlo shrapnel in the

back 11/10/2019

65 Mohammad Barho

Fares Male 60 Serekaniye Heart attack 11/10/2019

66 Ali Mahmoud

Hussien Male 30 Serekaniye Tumor in leg 11/10/2019

67 Mohammad Khalil

Khalaf Male 24 Serekaniye Shock 11/10/2019

68 Fryal Abdulrahman

Alfaraj Female 26 Serekaniye Shock 11/10/2019

69 Eyad thaki Hajji Male 20 Serekaniye Shock 11/10/2019

70 Hasan Sulieman

Alali Male 50 Qamishlo Martyred 11/10/2019

71 Habib Bashshar

Hbbo Male Qamishlo Leg

amputation 11/10/2019

72 Watan Amro Male 24 Kobani Martyred 11/10/2019

73 Fadi Adel Ibrahim Male 36 Qamishlo Martyred 11/10/2019

74 Hussien Ibrahim

Kasho Male 50 Qamishlo Martyred 11/10/2019

75 Fadel Saleh Male 45 Serekaniye Martyred 11/10/2019

76 Hajji Yaser Male Qamishlo Martyred 11/10/2019

77 Jalal Esmat Omar Male 25 Himo/Qamishlo Martyred 11/10/2019

78 Maso’ud Sheikh

Hamd Male Matin/Kobani Martyred 11/10/2019

79 Eidan Sheikh

Jaradeh Male Matin/Kobani Martyred 11/10/2019

80 Mohammad Youcef

Gharbo Male 13 Qamishlo Martyred 11/10/2019

81 Sulieman Abbas

Shaker Male Qamishlo Martyred 11/10/2019

82 Fadel Taqtaq Male 45 Qamishlo shrapnel in the

left thigh 11/10/2019

83 Hasan Naser Male 40 Qamishlo shrapnel in

chest 11/10/2019

84 Dadvik Naziyan Female 25 Qamishlo Broken leg 11/10/2019

85 Eiman Hajji Sharif Female 22 Qamishlo Martyred 12/10/2019

86 Jamal Sheikh Ali

Tarboush Male 26 Serekaniye

Multiple

shrapnel in

both legs and

abdomen

12/10/2019

87 Dldar Abdulkarim

Dawood Male KRC member/

Serekaniye

Injury in the

head 12/10/2019

88 Mahjoub Sa’ud

Hsso Male KRC member /

Serekaniye shrapnel 12/10/2019

89 Imam Ibrahim Male 24 Qamishlo Martyred 12/10/2019

90 Fadel Bozan Male Serekaniye Martyred 12/10/2019

91 Havreen Khalaf Female 33 Qamishlo road

– Raqqa Martyred 12/10/2019

92 Abdulkarim Haj

Khalil Male 71 Kobani Martyred 12/10/2019

93 Mohmmad Abdul

samad male 22 Serekaniye Martyred 12/10/2019

94 Ammar Abdullah

Abdu Male 11 Serekaniye Injury in head 12/10/2019

95 Khaola Mohammad

Matar Female 20 Serekaniye Shock 12/10/2019

96 Hanan Sheikh Ali Female 20 Serekaniye Shock 12/10/2019

97 Salah Saeed Hamk Male 25 Derek Martyred 12/10/2019

98 Dani Brno Hanna Male 26 Derek Both feet

broken 12/10/2019

99 Nawwaf Shukri Ali Male 40 Qamishlo shrapnel in

head 12/10/2019

100 DlSher Arab Male 20 13/10/2019

101 Nsreen Mesto

Maashooq Female 38 Gire sipi Shrapnel 13/10/2019

102 Adam Ahmad Male 16 Serekaniye Burns 13/10/2019

103 Jwan Zelfo Male 25 Amuda Shrapnel 13/10/2019

104 Mneefa Saaed

Jumaa Female 43 Gire sipi Shrapnel 13/10/2019

105

Rasheed

Muhammad

Male 24 Amuda Shrapnel 13/10/2019

106 Berman Female Amuda Injury in the

left thigh 13/10/2019

107 Kawa Sulaiman

Hajo Male 42 Shrapnel 13/10/2019

108 Mirfet Ahmad Female 35 Terbesipiye Trauma 13/10/2019

109 Saeed Muhammad

Saeed Male Tel Tamr Martyred 13/10/2019

110 Aaqeeda Othman Female Girke Lage Martyred 13/10/2019

111 Fayz Mahmoud

Baqi Male Serekaniye Martyred 13/10/2019

112 DlSoz Kute Female 22

Tel Tamr/

North Press

Agency

Journalist

13/10/2019

113 Abdulkareem

Youssef Abdullah Male 30 Tel Hamees Shrapnel 13/10/2019

114 Alan Youssef

Abdullah Male 19 Tel Hamees Shrapnel 13/10/2019

115 Bashar Ahmad

Ibrahim Male 22 Injury in the

right hand 13/10/2019

116 Jazya Hussein

Hwarny Female 63 Gire sipi Shrapnel 13/10/2019

117 Muna Naser

Sananeek Female 45 Girke Lage

Shrapnel in the

head and the

right hand

13/10/2019

118 Saad Ahmad Male

HAWAR

Agency

Journalist

Martyred 13/10/2019

119 Muhammad Aknji Male ANHA Agency

Journalist 13/10/2019

120 Arseen Jakso Male Farat Agency

Journalist 13/10/2019

121 Amel yunes Female Sterk TV

Journalist 13/10/2019

122 Birjan Yeldz Female Journalist 13/10/2019

123

Abdulrasheed

Muhammad

Male Journalist 13/10/2019

124 Loai Male 18 Tel Tamr/

Nurse

Injury in the

left foot 13/10/2019

125 Swar Khesho Male 22

Hassakh/

Ambulance

driver

Injury in the

left hand and

leg

13/10/2019

126 Muhammad

Hussein Khalil Male 55 13/10/2019

127 Mhrajan Nwaf

Sulaiman Male 50 Amuda Injury in the

left leg 13/10/2019

128 Youssef Jasm

Habib Male 18 Serekaniye

Shrapnel in the

foot and

burning the

face

13/10/2019

129 George Abdulahad male 20 Tel Hamees

shrapnel in

legs and the

left han-burns

13/10/2019

130 hawas ali al hussen male 28 til kocher leg broken 13/10/2019

131 ahmad salih male 25 injuries in

head and leg 13/10/2019

132 mahmoud kheder

nawaf male 18

injuries in the

left leg and

hand-head

injury

13/10/2019

133 ezzeldeen

mahmoud yousif male 62 shrapnel in

body martyred 13/10/2019

134 muzeffer mahmoud

yousif male 45

shrapnel in

head and the

right leg

13/10/2019

135 taha mahmoud

yousif male 38 shrapnel in

body 13/10/2019

136 numan ahmed male 42 shrapnel in the

left shoulder 13/10/2019

137 behiya shekho Female 38 shrapnel in the

abdomen 13/10/2019

138 rojin Female 39 shrapnel in the

abdomen 13/10/2019

139 abdul jabbar jasim male 37 chil agha shrapnel in

legs 13/10/2019

140 abdul rashid

muhammad male 25 amuda

shrapnel in the

abdomen and

leg

13/10/2019

141 abdul karim yousif male 30 Tel Hamees

shrapnel in

abdomen and

the right

shoulder

13/10/2019

142 abdul rahman

ahmad hadi male 45 Tel Hamees Head shot 13/10/2019

143 evin haji Female 45 Amuda shrapnel in

body 13/10/2019

144 alaa muhammad male 23 Serekaniye fragments in

body 13/10/2019

145 abdul qadir faris male 20 chil agha fragment in

head 13/10/2019

146 nisreen mesho Female 39 tirbe sipiye injury in the

shoulder 13/10/2019

147 jamil ahmad al

ahmad male 65 Kobani fragments in

head 13/10/2019

148 rojhilat yeldiz Female 22 Kobani fragments in

head 13/10/2019

149 muhammad hussein

resho male Journalist fragments in

body martyred 13/10/2019

150 khaled khalil al eid male 60 Tel Hamees fragments in

body 13/10/2019

151 talal yousif al

abdallah male 19 fragments in

body 13/10/2019

152 munifa sayed Female 44 fragments in

body 13/10/2019

153 alaa salim hassan male 20 Serekaniye burns 13/10/2019

154 nawaf etallah sabah male 28 Serekaniye fragment in

leg 13/10/2019

155 ammar ahmad

osman male 19 Serekaniye burns in legs 13/10/2019

156 hayez adel al

aubyed male 30 Serekaniye leg broken –

burns 13/10/2019

157 huner ahmad Male rudaw tv

journalist 13/10/2019

158 dilsoz dildar Male

north press

agency

journalist

13/10/2019

159 perjan yeldiz Male ANHA Agency

Journalist 13/10/2019

160 rojeen akin Female ANHA Agency

Journalist 13/10/2019

161 emina salim esmail Female 46 Serekaniye fragments in

legs and hands 13/10/2019

162 beshir ayed Male 40 Serekaniye fragments in

body 13/10/2019

163 fayz muhammad

khalil Male 30 Serekaniye fragments in

body 13/10/2019

164 talal al hawar Male 50 Serekaniye fragments in

the right hand 13/10/2019

165 mervet muhammad

emin Female 30 Serekaniye fragments in

head 13/10/2019

166 tagreed al huseen Female 26 Serekaniye Trauma 13/10/2019

167 ghazala hameed Female 26 Serekaniye fragments in

neck 13/10/2019

168 aqeeda osman Female derik fragments martyred 13/10/2019

169 munteha

muhammad selim Female 34 Serekaniye fragments in

body 14/10/2019

170 abdallah ahmad

suleman male 26 Shock 14/10/2019

171 shivan abdul bari

eliko male 26 chil agha fragments in

body martyred 14/10/2019

172 rewend haitham

iskan Male 18 Derbasiye fragments in

body 14/10/2019

173 yasin al khedir male 12 menbij fragments in

body 15/10/2019

174 kamla al

muhammad kher Female 40 menbij fragments in

the right leg 15/10/2019

175 fahima huseen Female 45 Serekaniye Trauma 15/10/2019

176 wefa al khedir Female 28 menbij Abdomen

injury 15/10/2019

177 ruqaya al safri Female 13 menbij leg broken 15/10/2019

178 razan al mousa Female 5 menbij fragments in

legs 15/10/2019

179 ebrahim al mousa male 3 menbij fragmen in the

left leg 15/10/2019

180 ali al mousa male 11 menbij fragments in

legs 15/10/2019

181 mouhammad al

mousa male 10 menbij fragment in

the left leg 15/10/2019

182 nermeen al ali Female 18 menbij broken bones 15/10/2019

183 amsha khedir Female 14 Shock 15/10/2019

184

muhammad

hameed

muhammad

Male 13 Serekaniye burns 15/10/2019

185 abdul karim

ebrahim Male 18 burns 15/10/2019

186 rezan al mousa Female 5 menbij fragments in

legs 15/10/2019

187 rezan al safri Female 5 menbij fragments in

head 15/10/2019

188 bedriya al safri Female 13 menbij leg broken 15/10/2019

189 ebrahim abdullah Male 43 menbij fragments in

the left leg 15/10/2019

190 muhammad al

mousa Male 10 menbij fragments in

the left leg 15/10/2019

191 rabeya al ali al

khedir Female 18 menbij fragments in

the left hand 15/10/2019

192 fayad haj osman Male 38 Kobani gun shoot 15/10/2019

193 muhammad hassan

ebrahim Male 35 Serekaniye neck injury 15/10/2019

194 khalil redwan

mousa Male 25 Serekaniye fragments 16/10/2019

195 ali abdul rahman Male 70 Serekaniye fragments 16/10/2019

196 mahmoud hassan

muhammad Male 28 Serekaniye fragments 16/10/2019

197 ebrahim salih baker Male 43 Derbasiye Trauma 16/10/2019

198 amira maamo Female 60 Serekaniye Trauma 16/10/2019

199 shahnaz maamo Female 14 Serekaniye Trauma 16/10/2019

200 muhammad khalaf Male 30 Serekaniye gun shoot 16/10/2019

201 eyad ahmad Male 19 Serekaniye gun shoot 16/10/2019

202 hozan ahmad Male 19 Serekaniye gun shoot 16/10/2019

203 ali dawood Male 22 Serekaniye gun shoot 16/10/2019

204 hamad al ebdu Male 35 Gire sipi martyred 16/10/2019

205 maryam

muhammad jeloud Female 25 Serekaniye fragments in

the left leg 16/10/2019

206 lamees ali assaf Female 14 Serekaniye gun shoot 16/10/2019

207 jazya al ali Female 45 Serekaniye broken legs 16/10/2019

208 sarah suleiman

hassan Female 20 Serekaniye Trauma 16/10/2019

209 ammar issa

muhammad Male 3 Serekaniye wounds 16/10/2019

210 osama ebrahim al

awad Male 21 Serekaniye Trauma 16/10/2019

211 hayel al salih Male Serekaniye martyred 17/10/2019

212 abdul fattah esmail

al ali Male 20 gun shoot 17/10/2019

213 nidal ebrahim Male 46 qamishlo fragments in

head 17/10/2019

214 nermeen

muhammad hassan Female 18 Gire sipi fragments in

the left hand 17/10/2019

215 alan Male 19 Gire sipi fragments in

body 17/10/2019

15th of October,2019

The displaced people problem became bigger after the INGOs had to leave NES, and

those work remotely most of them cannot have good access, the other problem is

that the GOS has raised the flag of Syria in some schools those host IDPs and many

INGOs are not allowed to work there.

As it was expected, this evening big part of KRC team had to leave the Hospital in Tal

Tamer due to the conflict around the town in Manajir and Alyia Silos area around

on the M4 east Tal Tamer, in that way there will be too much difficulties to reach to

the wounded and the injured people in the area of the conflict and Ras Al Ein. Later

at midnight it was reported that SDF took the control of both areas east Tal tamer, but

the medical team will check the area if there is possibility to work in the hospital or

not.

GOS didn’t enter the town of Tal Tamir but was only in Al-Aghebesh
Ein Issa camp was dramatically change today as a lot of ISIS cells showed up to

attack and burn the tents, there is no NGO can work there while the most of the IDPs

were moved to Mahmodly camp.

14th of October,2019

As it was expected, the number of the victims of the civilian convoy, bombed yesterday

in Ras Al Ain, increased after they were referred to Tell Tamer (S. Legerin Hospital)

and then to Qamishlo and Hasake Hospitals, in the list below the new casualties are

added.

Ein Issa camp is without services since yesterday, except for the only Health Point

where KRC medical team is working with very limited capacity. During the chaos, 25

unaccompanied minors were evacuated by NGOs together with the UN to Raqqa city

where they are now being supported in a NGO CFS.

The displaced people problem became bigger after the INGOs had to leave NES, and

those work remotely most of them cannot have good access, the other problem is

that the GOS has raised the flag of Syria in some schools those host IDPs and many

INGOs are not allowed to work there.

As it was expected, this evening big part of KRC team had to leave the Hospital in Tal

Tamer due to the conflict around the town in Manajir and Alyia Silos area around

on the M4 east Tal Tamer, in that way there will be too much difficulties to reach to

the wounded and the injured people in the area of the conflict and Ras Al Ein. Later

at midnight it was reported that SDF took the control of both areas east Tal tamer, but

the medical team will check the area if there is possibility to work in the hospital or

not.

GOS didn’t enter the town of Tal Tamir but was only in Al-Aghebesh
Ein Issa camp was dramatically change today as a lot of ISIS cells showed up to

attack and burn the tents, there is no NGO can work there while the most of the IDPs

were moved to Mahmodly camp.

The remaining of the INGOs left this morning through Semalka-Peshkhabour gate

after the Syrian government showed up: “We have made difficult decisions, staying

until the last minute. Of key NGO bases, Kobane was the first to have completed the

withdrawal of the staff and the suspension of activities and it was hit with heavy

activity just a day after. Ein Issa escalated significantly after assessments were made

the day before to withdraw all international staff and relocate to coordination of

activities to Raqqa. Today, we are leaving Amuda, Tel Tamer, Hasekeh city with, at

least Tel Tamer, witnessing presence of GoS just hours after the last NGO started

moving”.

For the Kurdish Red Crescent; all activities will continue in all the areas without open

conflict and KRC will get the support from the partners remotely, mainly inside of the

camps: AL Hol, Areesha, Roj, Newroz.

KRC announced (The Kurdish Red Crescent is continuing and will continue its activities

in all the camps (Al-Hol, Areesha, Roj, Newroz, Ain Issa). And all the health clinics and

hospitals that are supporting in all cities. A special team is working on the current

emergency situation to monitor and document the casiualties , and coordinate the

humanitarian work). Also Trauma Stabilization points and Ambulance services will

continue.

GoS movement:

GoS reinforcements were observed as heading towards frontline areas after

reaching Tal Tamer Sub-District. Furthermore, GoS have been observed as

moving a number of forces between Tall Tamer/ Ras Al Ain road.

GoS ground troops were observed about 20 km north of Al Tabqah City and

continuing in a northerly trajectory, towards Kobane with the intention of

preventing further OAG advances.

Furthermore, it is confirmed that GoS forces arrived in Tell Tamer and entered

the town.

Overnight, the situation in Menbij and Kobane was reported as calm, though

reports indicate that GoS forces will move into the aforementioned cities in the

next few hours, while it is reported that TAF forces have reinforcements on the

other side of the Turkish border from Menbij and Ain Al Arab/Kobane.

GoS elements have arrived in the towns of Ein Issa.

KRC Statement on the Impact of the withdrawal of international INGOs and continued

attacks by Turkey After the agreement between the Syrian Government and the SDF all international NGOs had to withdraw their international staff and have no access anymore to the region and also the situation got unpredictable with turkey as a NATO partner. At the same time the impact on the humanitarian situation is disastrous. Services for newly displaced people and already overburdened IDP/Refugee Camps decreased to a critical minimum. The IDP/Refugee camps are now left with extremely limited support. The coordination among remaining local NGOs and UN Organizations is poor and if support is provided there is duplication while at the same time big gaps in critical services such as shelter, drinking water and food. The coordination for the Emergency response is extremely difficult after all international NGOs also withdrew their essential expat staff this morning. Right now, KRC is the ONLY humanitarian Aid Organization providing direct Emergency Response on ground. Meanwhile, Turkey does not accept us as a neutral humanitarian aid organization and breaks international humanitarian law by targeting our ambulances and health point. By time of writing this statement the Turkish troops have nearly reached Tal Tamr. The chance that the hospital becomes a target itself is high. We are monitoring the situation very close, in order to re-allocate the team and the patients.

We will continue our activities in all six camps and all health clinics and hospitals that are supporting in all cities. We will continue to monitor and documentation of the wounded and martyrs. We also assist the newly displaced people and coordinating the humanitarian support.

In the best case this will end up in a massive escape towards Iraq (and then Europe), in the worst we experience a genocide. We need NOW the help of the international communities!

– We need NOW turkey to stop the invasion and to accept Syrian territory!

– We need NOW the access for international humanitarian Aid Organizations!

– We need NOW the support of all democratic nations who accepts the human rights to

stop this!

We consider Europe as well as USA and Russia as responsible to end this massacre

immediately!

13th of October,2019

At the early morning, the Turkish air forces were flying very closely over Ein Issa camp

which lead to fear between all the IDPs and Refugees inside of it. After that, around 10

am some families left, including ISIS families from the annex section. As the fight was

coming so close, the security team of the camp and the self-administration announced

that they were not able anymore to control it.

Kurdish Red Crescent, which is the main health responder in the camp, had to leave

as well due to security issues, and other actors left. There was burn of tents in the

annex section and ISIS supporter were carrying weapons with them (seems they had

it before). After few hours the Asaysh was able to go back to Einissa check point while

the IDPs went to Tilelsemin village, south of Einissa.

Tow ambulances of the health Department were kidnapped on the road to Tell Abiad

and no other information about them reached as so far.

Turkish backed forces took control of Mabruka Camp during the afternoon.

Reportedly, there were about 15 IDP families still in the camp at the time.

Around 4 pm, a Turkish airstrike impacted the center of Sere Kaniye- Ras Al

Ain town, which was at the time densely populated. The attack caused 11 deaths and

74 injuries at least, among them civilians and reportedly a number of international

journalists, but we think the number of the victims will increase because there were a

lot of several injuries. Those people were from all NES area community, heading to

the city to show solidarity with SDF. All were referred to Tel Tamir (S. Legerin

Hospital) which was already full so our team had to refer them to Hasake national

hospital and Qamishlo hospital.

At the late night between 11-12 pm, there was bombing on a TSB managed by the

health department of NES in Asadiya village 15 km south Ras Al Ain, as a resuly the

2 paramedic were heavily injured with one ambulance driver, they were referred to

Tiltemir hospital then To Hasake.

12th of October, 2019:

Kobane was strongly target since the night. The main hospital was out of the service

for three hours beacasue of close bombing that caused damage. Massive

displacemet was recorded.

An explosion occurred in front of Al-Hasakeh Central Prison, No casualties or

escapes were recorded.

Around 7- 7:15 am the Trauma Stabilization Point (TSP) set up by KRC in Salihiye

village, south of Ras Al Ain, has been hit by what we believe was an airstrike. The

TSP was temporarily placed there to support injured persons, 15 minutes away from

the front line of RAA. Two KRC staff were injured. Four patients where inside of the

TSP but they were not further injured and the staff referred them to Tel Tamer

hospital. Two ambulances have been damaged. Both them and staff were clearly

displaying KRC logo. KRC staff on the ground report that the airstrike was not nearby

but believed they were directly targeted. As a result, the two ambulances were out of

the services and the driver and the paramedic were injured.

The entirety of the M4 between Ein Issa and Tell Tamer remainds under SDF control.

However, turkish baked groups have reportedly made territorial advances between

Tell Abiad and Ras Al Ain during the night – around Rajim Aanwa area and possibly

further south. And after that they stopped the vehicles on the road and killed some of

them (could be only the kurds). The head of one party in NES (Hevrin Khelelf) was

one of the casiualties and was captured with the driver. As Kurdish Red Crescent with

our humantarian partners we get a lot of support from Hevrin as she was into the

humantarian work deeply. One of her speaches- “The war in Syria has destroyed the

places of childhood of millions of Syrians. In Ain Issa camp for displaced Syrians, we

suggested that we give the displaced people every tent, a small tree, they plant in

front of their tent. Take care of it. To be remembrance of them, after they left the

camp towards their cities and homes. It will be a beautiful green memory, in a land

that has grieved them and made them homeless. ”

Tell Abiad was heavily bombed all the day and medical teams are still working inside

of it trying to help the injures although there was a lot of randomly targeting

everywhere, which still limit the movement and the work in trauma stabilization points

and stop the hospital. KRC team there were trying to rise a flag showing that they are

humanitarian organization but this didn’t work as they targeted the TSP in Ras Al Ain.

KRC teams are not able to reach Ras Al Ain anymore, but we are still trying to find a

way. There is targeting on our ambulances as we try to go closer. After the TSP was

targeted the situation get worse.

11th of October, 2019:

Clashes continued overnight in the western and eastern outskirts of Ras Al Ain Town,

with OAG advances recorded in the industrial area of the town. Conflict activity

decreased after 1100hrs today.

In Tell Abiad Sub-District, during the night SDF regained control over Tel

Fender and Yasbseh villages, and OAGs regained control of Yasbseh in the morning.

This morning, indirect fire attacks continued south of Tell Abiad town, mainly in and

around Badi and Ein Al-Arus (south west) and Breighi (south east).

Additionally, last night, cross border indirect fire and cross border clashes were

recorded across Quamishlo and Al-Malikeyyeh Districts. Following the cross-border

exchanged in Al-Malikeyyeh Sub-District, TAF artillery reinforcement were sent across

the border from Hiyaka town.

In Quamishlo city, indirect fire was observed on 4 occasion between onto Qanat Al-

Sweis and western neighborhoods of the city as well as onto the Asayish training

center of Himo

Elsewhere, one artillery strike was recorded onto Samasakh/ Bostan and Zheiriyeh in

Malikeyyeh Sub-District, one onto Tal Khatun in Qahtaniya Sub-District and one

indirect fire occurred north of Mabruka town

A car bomb exploded today in Qamishlo in Monir Habib street (one main road of

Qamishlo) and as a result one civilian was killed and 5 were injured in front of one

popular restaurant (Omari)

Since the last night all Eindiwar town was evacuated afterwards the civilian houses

were burned by Turkish army/FSA.

Mabruka camp (Ras al Ain district) had to evacuate all the IDPs to other camps due to

the threating and targeting from the Turkish army and the rebels (FSA).

In the late evening conflicts in Al Hol camp, in the annex section which contain ISIS

families, where reported by KRC team. The camp security responded. In the time of

writing the tensions are still ongoing. No casualties reported yet.

5 ISIS fighters could escape from the main prison in Qamishlo, after targeting by

Turkish forces. Reported by Asayish (Kurdish police)

IDPs movements:

The total number of the IDPs from the border strip to the south areas since the beginning of

the attack:

Infrastructures:

There is lack of water in whole area of Hasakeh, due to the targeting the main water

station in Alok, which covers more than 500.000 people. This is also affecting all

hospitals in this region.

Electricity and phone network are decreasing in general in all the areas, especially in

the border strip.

In 10th of October:

Since this morning TAF has removed parts of the border wall near Tal Halaf, Tal

Arqam and Aziziyeh villages (All Ras Al Ain, Sere Kaniye) and TAF (Turkish Armed Forces)

and OAGs have engaged in clashes with SDF during attempts to advances further inside NES.

Clashes were reported in the three locations mentioned above as well as in Ras Al Ain

Town, Western Alok, near Jan Tamer (Yezidian village) and Bir Asheq village (also all in Ras

Al Ain sub-district). There has been no territorial changes at the time of writing.

In Ein Issa Sub-district, two airstrikes were recorded against a bridge 3km south of Ein Issa

town.

Cross border fire and clashes taking place in and around Tell Abiad town have stopped at

around 0300hrs with no territorial changes.

Airstrikes:

Sere Kaniye Ras Al Ain (x7)
Tell Abiad (x3)
Ein Issa sub(x2)
Al-Malekkiyeh Derik sub-district (x1)

Indirect Fire Impacts:

Tell Abiad sub-district (x9)
Ras Al Ain sub-district (x6)
Al-Malekkiyeh sub-district (x4)
Quamishli city (x4)
Jawadiyah sub-district (x3)
Amuda sub-district (x2)
Ain Al Arab/Kobane (x2)

Heavy clashes were ongoing in Tilebeyd and in the mornging while there was a delegation

from the tripes going to support SDF from Ein issa to Tilebyed, their convoy was targeted

and casualties were reported.

The kurdish red crescent and MSF working in the hospital had then limited access to the

area of Tilebeyed, while KRC teams are depending on Trauma stabilization points and

ambulances (at least 15 ambulances are involved in the respond so far) while the main

hospital to be refered to is still KRC hospital (Shehid Legerin) in Tel Tamr, privat Hasake

Hospitals supported by WHO and private Qamishli Hospitals.

Any further event/incidents will be shared in the next update.

On 9th of October:

Airstrikes targeted:

In 9th of October:

Sere kaniye (Ras Al Ain) x7
Ein Issa x2
Tell Abiad x1
1635hrs: indirect fire against Tell Salloush(west Al Munbateh) – Tell Abiad Sub-

District.

1640hrs: airstrike onto former CF border post in Tell Fender – Tell Abiad Sub-District.
1650hrs: indirect fire onto Bir Asheq checkpoint – Tell Abiad Sub-District.
1650hrs: two airstrikes against Abu Serraand Hoshan villages (approx. 15km North

West of Ein Issa Town) – Ein Issa Sub-District. Six SDF members were reportedly

killed.

1700hrs: indirect fire on a military position of the Tell Abiad Military Council (evacuated

a week ago) and onto the school in Yabseh village – Tell Abiad Sub-District.

1730hrs: Indirect fire towards Qanat Swiys Neighbourhood of Quamishli City –

Quamishli Sub-District.

1730hrs: Mortar rounds and artillery fire onto the outskirts of Mansura village – Al-

Malekkiyeh Sub-district.

1740hrs: Indirect Fire onto the outskirts ofEsmailiyeh village – Al-Malekkiyeh Subdistrict.
1820hrs: Indirect Fire against Tal Elhasanat and Kherbet Balak villages – Jawadiyah

Sub-district.

1830hrs: TAF removed parts from the wall north of Quamishli City.
At night a lot of clashes were happening in TIlebyed and casiualtis from both sided

were recorded.

The Kurdish red crescent has already declered on 9th :

This targeting is affecting the situaiton in NES for Local and IDPs in the the 7 main

camps in NES, we have already decleared in KRC that:

Due to the clashes on the border with Turkey and injuries and casualties, we have been

required to reposition our medical and ambulance teams from several camps such as Al Hol,

Areesha, Ein Issa, Roj and other camps. Unfortunately, this situation may cause a decline in

the quality of work in these camps, which contain tens of thousands of refugees and displaced

people, but the priorities of the stage requires that we respond first to life-threatening situations.

Most of our partners from humanitarian organizations and other INGOs in the region, for

security reasons, have limited access to the camps, which threatens to decrease the service

and increase the burden on the camp administrations and security forces guarding certain

sectors within these camps such as Al Hol. We will work in the Kurdish Red Crescent in our

best efforts to arrange our teams to respond to the emergency situation on the border with

Turkey and to continue working with the same quality in the camps.

The hospital in Serekaniye (Ras Al-Ain) is out of services, cases has been referred to Tel Tamr

Hospital, Hasakeh Hospital and Ein Issa Hospital.

The hospital of Tel Abiad (MSF) is out of the service so the cases were moved to other areas

such as Ein Issa, and Tel Tamer.

The hospital of Hasake as all Hasake area have lack of water which create problem to respond,

The largest Christian Neighborhood (Bisheriya) in NE Syria is being bombed and some

civilian houses were burned, 2 of the dyed civilians were from there.

___________________________________________________________

Call for resistance against Turkey’s plan to invade Rojava

The Turkish state ruled by the AKP-MHP coalition has openly announced its plan to invade the Rojava region. HDP, SYPG-JKŞ-CKŞ, TJA and ESP called for resistance against the invasion plan.

ANF
NEWS DESK
Monday, 7 Oct 2019, 16:03

Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP), Free Women’s Movement (TJA), Socialist Party of the Oppressed (ESP) and SYPG-JKŞ-CKŞ released statements in response to the Turkish state’s threats of invasion against Rojava.

Free Women’s Movement (TJA) stated that an imminent military operation against Northeast Syria by the AKP-MHP coalition, which remains standing with war and repression, is an effort to bring itself into existence over attacks against Kurdish achievements and to cover its collapsing domestic policies with fascism and militarism.

TJA called upon all circles of society to stand against the AKP-MHP government’s policies for deepening the conflict.

Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) Central Executive Board stressed that the AKP-MHP government putting a new military aggression against North and East Syria on the agenda was an extremely dangerous and wrong step.

HDP warned that the destruction to be caused by an intervention of this kind and population engineering would be categorized as a crime against humanity before international law.

The party pointed out that in addition to the Kurds, Arabs, Turkmens, Syriacs, Armenians and Yazidis in the region were also under a great threat.

HDP called on the forces of peace and democracy in Turkey to take an effective and determined stance against the AKP-MHP alliance that is trying to consolidate its destabilized rule; “Such a military intervention means more repression on the society in Turkey, more financial burdens, poverty, a deepening crisis, widespread lawlessness and the lack of democracy. With this likely intervention, Turkey is being dragged into a dangerous and deep trap, an adventure with no boundaries. We can stop this together.”

The Socialist Party of the Oppressed (ESP) warned against “fascist Turkish state threat of invasion against the Rojava Revolution that gained its right to existence with a battle based on self defense against ISIS mercenaries, the reactionary states in the region and imperialist forces”.

ESP called on Turkish workers and laborers to reclaim their honor and to oppose the colonial war.

“Rojava Revolution is the revolution of workers, women, youth and the oppressed peoples. Rojava Revolution is our revolution. Let’s defend it against the fascist colonialist state and its mercenaries. Let’s be the voice of Rojava peoples everywhere we are. Let’s raise the struggle against occupant colonialism on the streets.”

SYPG-JKŞ-CKŞ pointed out that this operation cannot be considered or started independently from international imperialist alliance relationships.

The statement by SYPG-JKŞ-CKŞ said; “It is not really surprising that the US which was in a tactical alliance with SDF at first, now approves the Turkish state’s occupation campaign against North and East Syria. The US, which acts in line with its own international military and economic interests, connives at the massacre of the region’s peoples by Turkish invasion today, an act that actually corresponds its essence.

They are afraid because Rojava Revolution is the door to the freedom of all peoples. Alongside the self defense forces and mechanisms of the people, we will be resisting the occupation operations of the Turkish state, colonial regional states and international imperialist forces to the last drop of blood. To keep silent is to be a party to this crime. All streets should be turned into areas of resistance against invasion.”

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To the public

Despite all the efforts we did to avoid conflict, our commitment to the security mechanism agreement and taking necessary steps on our end, the US forces did not carry out their responsibilities and have withdrawn from border areas with Turkey. Turkey’s unprovoked attack on our areas will have a negative impact on our fight against ISIS and the stability and peace we have created in the region in the recent years. As the Syrian Democratic Forces, we are determined to defend our land at all costs. We call on our Kurdish, Arab, Assyrian, and Syriac people to strengthen their unity and stand by the SDF in defense of their land.

General Command of Syrian Democratic Forces October 7th, 2019

Flag_of_Syrian_Democratic_Forces.svg_-1-1024x630

Syria Kurds slam US withdrawal, vow to defend Rojava ‘at all costs’

3 hours ago | 952 Views

Fazel Hawramy

ERBIL, Kurdistan Region – Condemning the US decision to withdraw troops from northeast Syria, the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) said Monday they would defend the Kurdish-majority region, known to Kurds as Rojava, “at all costs”.

The pledge comes hours after US President Donald Trump gave his Turkish counterpart Recep Tayyip Erdogan the greenlight to launch an air and ground operation east of the Euphrates River – controlled by the US-backed SDF.

Related: Trump greenlights Turkish operation in northeast Syria

Mustafa Bali, a senior SDF official, accused US forces of failing to fulfil their responsibilities as allies in the war against the Islamic State group (ISIS), “leaving the area to turn into a war zone”.

The SDF was the main coalition partner in the ground war against ISIS, responsible for retaking the de facto ISIS capital of Raqqa in 2017 and the last ISIS holdout of Baghouz in March this year. The SDF lost more than 10,000 fighters.

“The SDF is determined to defend NE Syria at all costs,” Bali said.

“US forces on the ground showed us that this is not how they value friendship & alliance. However, the decision by the @POTUS is about to ruin the trust and cooperation between the SDF and US built during the fight against ISIS. Alliances are built on mutual trust,” Bali tweeted.

“We are not expecting the US to protect NE #Syria. But people here are owed an explanation regarding security mechanism deal, destruction of fortifications and failure of US to fulfill their commitments.”

In an English-language press statement released on Monday, the SDF said: “Despite all the efforts we did to avoid conflict, our commitment to the security mechanism agreement and taking necessary steps on our end, the US forces did not carry out their responsibilities and have withdrawn from border areas with Turkey.”

“Turkey’s unprovoked attack on our areas will have a negative impact on our fight against ISIS and the stability and peace we have created in the region in the recent years. As the Syrian Democratic Forces, we are determined to defend our land at all costs. We call on our Kurdish, Arab, Assyrian, and Syriac people to strengthen their unity and stand by the SDF in defense of their land,” the statement added.

Kurdish forces had agreed to dismantle their land defenses along the border after Washington and Ankara agreed to set up a so-called ‘safe zone’.

Erdogan had lobbied to create a 32 kilometer-deep buffer zone, where he hoped to resettle up to three million Syrian refugees currently hosted by Turkey. The Kurds have resisted the idea, calling for a shallower zone and for the resettlement to be limited only to those native to the region.

The SDF did however agree to move their defensive positions nine to 15 kilometers from the border.

Now that the SDF has lost its defensive assets along the border, resentment toward the US is running high.

“The [White House] statement tonight on Syria after Trump spoke with Erdogan demonstrates a complete lack of understanding of anything happening on the ground. The ‘United States’ is not holding any ISIS detainees. They are all being held by the SDF, which Trump just served up to Turkey,” tweeted Brett McGurk, the former special presidential envoy to the global coalition to defeat ISIS.

The White House statement issued late on Sunday indicates Turkey will be placed in charge of ISIS prisoners and that American force will stand aside to allow the Turkish operation to take place.

“Turkey will now be responsible for all ISIS fighters in the area captured over the past two years in the wake of the defeat of the territorial caliphate by the United States,” the office of the White House Press Secretary said.

“The United States Armed Forces will not support or be involved in the operation, and United States forces, having defeated the ISIS (Islamic State) territorial “Caliphate,” will no longer be in the immediate area.

The SDF affiliated news agency Hawarnews published a video of American forces withdrawing from the border area.

Ibrahim Kalin, the Turkish presidential spokesperson, tweeted that the invasion of northeast Syria would serve two purposes – to eliminate members of the “terrorist group”, referring to the People’s Protection Units (YPG), and clear a safe border area that would allow safe return of Syrian refugees.

“Turkey supports Syria’s territorial integrity and political unity. Has no interest in occupation or changing demographics. The PKK/YPG did that to northeast Syria. Time to correct it. Turkey fights against a terrorist organization that has also killed and oppressed the Kurds,” he added.

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‘We deserve support’: Reinvented north-east Syria strives for stability

As tensions with Turkey continue unabated, officials in the region say western indifference is part of the problem

Dan Sabbagh in Qamishli

Demonstrators in Qamishli march in August against Turkish threats to invade the Kurdish region. Photograph: Delil Souleiman/AFP/Getty Images

Traffic is light on the two creaking pontoon bridges over the Tigris that mark the only official crossing into the autonomous region of north-east Syria, a little known area of 5 million people engaged in a radical political experiment.

At the border post stands a distinctive billboard: a martyrs’ memorial to the men and women who died eradicating the Islamic State (Isis), as well as those killed fighting what has become a more serious threat – Turkey.

“Our martyrs are our honour,” the poster says, depicting 40 foreign fighters, including a Briton, Anna Campbell, who was killed in March last year, aged 26, defending the city of Afrin against a Turkish incursion.

An estimated 12,000 fighters from the north-east region died in the territorial struggle against Isis, which ended in March, and a further 20,000 were wounded. What was initially a Kurdish force of ground troops with air and logistical support from a US-led coalition has expanded into an administration controlling 30% of Syria, east of the Euphrates river.

*A Kurdish security officer stands guard at a rally against Turkish threats to invade the region in Qamishli in August. Photograph: Delil Souleiman/AFP/Getty Images*

North-east Syria is the largest part of the country outside the control of President Bashar al-Assad. Once a Kurdish area, it is now governed under a communal structure involving a complex set of committees representing seven “cantons” – including Sunni-Arab dominated areas – with each post jointly held by a man and a woman.

Westerners in the area still travel under armed guard in fast-driven vehicles, and there are obvious signs of war damage, decaying infrastructure and only the most basic economy. According to the local military, Isis sleeper cells remain active. The administration says it holds 6,000 Isis prisoners, although the figure may be higher, and over 100,000 displaced persons in overcrowded prisons and increasingly lawless camps, which officials admit they are struggling to control.

Local politicians are concerned about what they say is western indifference. Amina Omar, the co-chair of the Syrian Democratic Council in the desert town of Ain Issa, said “we deserve to be supported” in the light of the sacrifices of the eight-year war against Isis.

Omar said: “We have had no political support from the international community to begin working towards our aims” and accused Turkey’s president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, of wanting “to initiate a war”.

*A merchant sells grains at a market in Qamishli in north-east Syria in September. Photograph: Delil Souleiman/AFP/Getty Images*

At the UN general assembly in New York last week, Erdoğan called for the creation of a 30km deep “safe zone” on the Syrian side of the border that could resettle up to 3 million refugees currently in Turkey, a proposal that the fledgling administration has already rejected. “This is blackmailing the refugees,” Omar said.

A cross-party British parliamentary delegation, led by Labour backbencher Lloyd Russell-Moyle, visited north-east Syria in September to begin a process of rallying political support. “Global civilisation owes them a debt, both of honour and of practical assistance to rebuild their damaged region,” he said.

Until now, UK participation has been limited to an unacknowledged presence of British special forces, with whom commanders of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) say they enjoy “a good relationship”. The UK forces are based with 1,000 US troops who provide ultimate support to the fledgling administration.

Political engagement has been minimal. On a visit to London in February, Îlham Ehmed, the co- of the “executive council” of the Syrian Democratic Council, was only met by mid-ranking civil servants in a cafe away from the Foreign Office building.

Lloyd Russell-Moyle stands a pulpit surrounded by microphones — *Labour MP Lloyd Russell-Moyle speaks during a visit to north-east Syria in September. Photograph: Delil Souleiman/AFP/Getty Images*

North-east Syria’s leftist ideology was inspired by Abdullah Öcalan, one of the founders of the separatist Kurdish PKK in Turkey, where he has been imprisoned since 1999. It is particularly visible in the country’s male YPG and female YPJ militias, key components of the SDF, whose list of martyrs highlights their defence against Isis and “Turkish fascism”.

But as the fighting has drawn to a conclusion, north-east Syria has sought to reinvent itself. It is no longer a solely Kurdish region: about 1.5 million of the population are Kurds, clustered near the Turkish border where the safe zone is proposed, while the rest are mostly Sunni Arabs from former Isis centres in the Euphrates valley.

Polygamy and underage marriage have been outlawed as part of a “law of women” but while this has been observed in Kurdish areas, implementation in newly taken Arab areas has been patchy.

Relations with Assad’s Russian-backed regime are relatively calm, although limited, with officials even acknowledging privately that they sell some of the oil they control west of the Euphrates, in defiance of US sanctions. “There is no serious fight and there is no serious dialogue,” said Gen Mazlum Kobane, the commander of the SDF.

A rally in support of Kurdish leader Abdullah Ocalan in Qamishli in February. — *A rally in support of Kurdish leader Abdullah Öcalan in Qamishli in February. Photograph: Hector Perez/AFP/Getty Images*

Instead the focus is on placating Turkey. The Öcalan connection has been dramatically toned down. Once ubiquitous posters of the jailed leader are in shorter supply, although are still found inside some public buildings as well on the martyrs’ billboard. “We are willing to do whatever it takes not to threaten the national security of Turkey,” Kobane said.

The militias are integrated into the 70,000 strong SDF, which is also 35% female, and politicians claim that there is little or no PKK influence. “Our project has nothing to do with the PKK at all,” Omar argued, although she acknowledged that many PKK members have come from Syria.

North-east Syria is careful not to describe itself as independent, at a time when there is no international appetite for partition. But US military support has become critical.

Last December, Donald Trump announced a plan to withdraw all ground troops from Syria in the belief that Isis was defeated. After intense lobbying the decision was reversed, and local politicians diplomatically said that Trump had been “wrongly briefed” on the military situation.

Instead, north-east Syria agreed to withdraw SDF and YPJ forces away from the Turkish border and allow US and Turkish soldiers to patrol, creating a border buffer zone 5km deep between the Tigris and the Euphrates, and 20km deep for heavy weapons.

*Turkish soldiers patrol the streets in Afrin in early 2018. Photograph: Anadolu Agency/Getty Images*

The concern locally is that the deal has not proved to be enough to placate Turkey. “President Erdoğan seems to regret what has been agreed,” Kobane said, warning the Turks to brace themselves “for a long war” if they try to invade.

Mindful of Turkish sensibilities, last week Brig Gen Christian Wortman, the deputy director of operations in the US-European command, heaped praise on the Turks as he talked up the new security arrangement. “The intention of this security mechanism is to address Turkey’s legitimate security concerns,” Wortman said.

Memories, however, linger of Turkey’s 2018 occupation of Afrin, historically a Kurdish area, and the ensuing population displacement which has seen thousands of Kurds leave.

Photographs circulate in Kurdish political circles showing the destruction of agricultural areas and the desecration of cemeteries, and it is estimated that 30% of SDF leaders come from Afrin, the bulk of whom are opposed to the border zone settlement that has been agreed with Turkey.

Dr Abdulkarim Omar, the co-chair of foreign affairs of the SDC, accuses Turkey of human rights violations, and says that the occupation was allowed to take place through a deal between Turkey and Russia, and “amid the silence of the international community, so there was a kind of international cover”.

They hope that by rallying western support that won’t happen again.

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Salih Muslim: If Turkey insists on war, we will defend ourselves

Turkey is trying to evade the bilateral agreement on a safe zone in northern Syria in order to establish a “Turkish belt” using the example of the Baathist Arabization policy, according to PYD politician Salih Muslim.

ANF
NEWS DESK
Sunday, 29 Sep 2019, 13:30

Despite the implementation of the trilateral agreement between the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), the US and Turkey on a “security zone” in northern Syria, the Turkish government in Ankara insists on the occupation of self-governing areas of northern and eastern Syria.

In an interview with the Etkin News Agency (ANHA), Spokesman for the Democratic Union Party (PYD) Salih Muslim explained that Turkey wanted to establish a “Turkish belt” in the border strip and thus implement the Arabization policy of the Baath regime in the Kurdish areas of Syria, valid after 1965, according to its own ideas. “The intentions of the Turkish state are no secret. But that is now a problem of the US and the International Coalition,” said the Kurdish politician.

Muslim recalled that the International Coalition has started to install a ‘security mechanism’ instead of a ‘safe zone’ trick presented by Turkey under the pretext of ‘border security’. He continued; “There are Turkish observation posts in the border strip. So nobody will be able to cross the border. But even with this, the Turkish state is not satisfied because it wants to invade the area and create a Kurd-free region. This is of course unacceptable. In our opinion, Turkey should finally break away from these ideas.”

ROJAVA IS NO DANGER FOR TURKEY

Rojava has never presented a danger to Turkey and is not hostile to the neighboring country, stressed Muslim and added that they mainly wanted them to protect the border instead. “There has been agreement on the safe zone between Turkey and the US. The SDF agreed with it and have already taken practical steps to implement the agreement. Nevertheless, the Turkish state is now looking for ways to evade the agreement. This is not our problem, but a problem of the US and the Coalition,” explained the PYD politician.

COPY OF THE “ARAB BELT”

After seizing power in Syria in 1963, the Ba’ath Party decided to build a 350-kilometer-long, 15-kilometer-wide “Arabian belt” along the border with Turkey in order to change the ethnic structure in favor of the Arab population. As part of the Arabization project, dozens of new villages were built and thousands of Arab families from Raqqa and Aleppo were settled in the area in the early 1970s. Kurds were expelled or deported from their ancestral homeland, had their lands expropriated and awarded to the newly settled Arabs. The regime also deprived the Kurds of their citizenship and Arabized all Kurdish place names.

“The Turkish government wants to create a similar situation now. A section of the population consisting of hired jihadists is reportedly meant to settle in areas that are not theirs. Can that ever be accepted? We are in favor of having every Syrian return to their hometown anyway. But the answer to the question of why Turkey wants to move people from the south of the country to its own border is clear to all,” said Muslim.

TURKEY IS RULED BY A WAR COALITION

Turkey is currently governed by a coalition made up of the AKP, MHP, the Ergenekon and the Hizbul Contra. It is a “war coalition” which, however, would collapse in the slightest prospect of peace, says Muslim.

“This equation is fact. Erdoğan will risk everything to survive, no matter how bad the consequences might be for him. Possibly, pressure from the International Coalition could lead to the collapse of this war alliance. That should not be ignored.”

WE WILL DEFEND OURSELVES

Should there actually be an attack on Rojava, as Erdoğan last signalized a week ago, the population will defend in any case, emphasizes Salih Muslim. No one would fold his hands and surrender himself to death.

“Peace always wants two sides, but war only one. Only when the other side is ready to be circumspect and act for the good of the people can problems be overcome. But if Turkey insists on war, we will defend ourselves,” said Muslim.

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SOLIDARITY WITH THE STRUGGLE IN ROJAVA

By Traven Leyshon on Sunday, February 25 2018 – 12:22pm

Green Mountain Central Labor Council AFL-CIO

Whereas:

Organized Labor must stand in solidarity with working people in all parts of the world when they rise up to defend their rights and when they struggle to build a better, more democratic and more socialist world;

The People of Rojava, northern Syria, have risen up in order to combat ISIS and the dictatorship;

The People of Rojava, through their armed forces known as the People’s Protection Units (YPG) & the Woman’s Protection Units (YPJ) and allied militias, have liberated large sections of northern Syria from ISIS and the dictatorship;

The People of Rojava are presently defending themselves bravely against ISIS and Turkish aggression;

The People of Rojava seek to establish a libertarian-socialist, anti-fascist, secular, multi-ethnic society, with equal rights for men and woman;

The People of Rojava’s struggle for true freedom is a beacon of light in the Middle East and across the globe;

The People of Rojava are politically influenced by the libertarian and socialist writings of Vermonter Murry Bookchin and strive towards a political system similar to our own Town Meeting form of democracy;

Thousands of non-natives to Syria, including citizens of the United States of America, have seen the justice of the struggle in Rojava and, like with the International Brigades during the Spanish Civil War, have taken it upon themselves to travel to Rojava in order to become international volunteers within the YPG;

Therefore, let it be resolved that:

The Green Mountain Central Labor Council of the Vermont AFL-CIO recognizes the struggle in Rojava to be THE liberation struggle of our day on par with Spain in 1936, and the Paris Commune of 1871;

The Green Mountain Central Labor Council of the Vermont AFL-CIO stands in solidarity with the people of Rojava, the People’s Protection Units (YPG), and the Woman’s Protection Units (YPJ) in their historic struggle to establish a free society in what is presently northern Syria;

The Green Mountain Central Labor Council of the Vermont AFL-CIO encourages Vermont Union members to lend support to the people of Rojava, the YPG, and the YPJ;

The Green Mountain Central Labor Council of the Vermont AFL-CIO (upon request from a returning international volunteer as made to the President of this Central Labor Council) shall seek to provide three months of housing and sustenance and shall assist them in finding Union employment;

The Green Mountain Central Labor Council of the Vermont AFL-CIO calls on the Governor of Vermont and the Legislature to declare Vermont a sanctuary State for all returning international volunteers who have fought alongside the YPG/YPJ;

The Green Mountain Central Labor Council of the Vermont AFL-CIO calls on the Governor of Vermont and the Legislature to consider legislation which would make all state based benefits available to Vermont National Guard veterans also available to returning international volunteers who served in the YPG/YPJ, who choose to make Vermont their home;

The Green Mountain Central Labor Council of the Vermont AFL-CIO shall donate the sum of $500 to Hevya Sor (the Kurdish Red Crescent), an organization which provides direct support to the People of Rojava, including the donation of medicine and medical equipment;

The Green Mountain Central Labor Council of the Vermont AFL-CIO calls on the Government of the United States of America to provide increased direct military assistance to the YPG/YPJ, to condemn Turkish aggression, and to refrain from any actions which would seek to influence or moderate the political development and trajectory of Rojava;

The Green Mountain Central Labor Council shall provide this resolution to our Governor, Lt Governor, Congressional Delegation, elected members of the General Assembly, all fifty State Labor Councils of the AFL-CIO, and shall make it available to The People of Vermont.

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Troops’ movement on the border has Kurds worried about a Turkish assault.

By Lara Seligman

| September 23, 2019, 4:11 PM

One of the two top political leaders of the Syrian Kurdish alliance and co-chair of the Syrian Democratic Council Ilham Ahmed attends a press conference, in Paris, on Dec. 21, 2018. (Photo credit should read STEPHANE DE SAKUTIN/AFP/Getty Images)

Despite the creation of a security zone on the border between Turkey and northeast Syria that has defused some tension in recent weeks, Syrian Kurds still fear the movement of Turkish ground and aerial forces in their backyard could be a prelude to an assault on the country’s Kurdish minority population.

“If they can, they will go to Damascus,” said Ilham Ahmed, a co-chair of the Syrian Democratic Council, the political arm of the U.S.-backed Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) that are responsible for liberating northeastern Syria from the Islamic State, told Foreign Policy through an interpreter in a recent interview in Washington.

The debate over the area—which U.S. officials have labeled a “security mechanism” rather than a safe zone—is deeply personal for Ahmed, who grew up in the northwest Syrian town of Afrin. The Turks and their proxy forces swept into Afrin last year, waging a violent campaign on the Kurdish-controlled town. Ahmed’s entire family was forced to flee and now lives in tents outside the city, she said.

U.S. support to the Syrian Kurds has been a major source of tension between Ankara and Washington since the U.S. military began arming the group in 2014. The military arm of the SDF is led by the People’s Protection Units (YPG), a mostly Kurdish militia that Ankara views as an extension of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party, or PKK. Both Turkey and the United States have designated the PKK, which has waged a three-decade insurgency in Turkey, a terrorist group.

Ankara has been pushing for a Turkish-controlled “safe zone” on the border for months as a necessary measure to address its security concerns. U.S. President Donald Trump even promised a 20-mile safe zone in a January tweet, which officials later walked back. But the Syrian Kurds fear a Turkish assault on the area’s civilian population, which Ahmed has said could be a “catastrophe” for her people.

Since the security mechanism—which involves joint U.S. and Turkish ground and aerial patrols between the Syrian border towns of Tell Abyad and Ras al-Ain—was established earlier this month, Ahmed said the SDF has kept to its side of the bargain. YPG fighters have surrendered the area to local security forces, removed fortifications and tunnels on the border, and withdrawn heavy weapons such as tanks and artillery by 12 miles.

But the presence of Turkish troops and military equipment on the border is still a threat, Ahmed said. The Kurds are particularly concerned about Turkish surveillance drones operating in the area as part of the joint patrols, she noted.

“Unless the border goes back to normality, where things on the border are normal with no troops on the two sides, then we cannot say that the problem is solved,” she said.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s threat to resettle 3 million Syrian refugees currently residing in Turkey into the safe zone is also “troubling,” Ahmed said. Most of the refugees in Turkey are not native to northeast Syria, and their presence there could displace the Kurdish residents in that area, she added.

“Every day, there is escalation from Turkey and threats,” she said.

U.S. defense and military officials expressed cautious optimism that an uneasy peace between the Turks and the Kurds can be maintained. But experts say continued U.S. presence on the ground as a “credible interlocutor” will be key to assuring both sides.

Dana Stroul, a senior fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, said that Turkey will still continue to push for more concessions.

“Probably nothing is going to satisfy the Turks 100 percent because the core issue is U.S. support for the SDF,” Stroul said. But the mechanism has “opened up space” to work through differences.

Chris Maier, the Pentagon’s director of the Defeat-ISIS Task Force, said the security mechanism—which involves joint U.S. and Turkish military patrols of the area—has “substantially” eased the threat of a Turkish incursion into northeast Syria.

But Turkish officials have expressed frustration with the slow pace of implementation. Erdogan over the weekend threatened to take unilateral steps if the United States does not complete implementation of the safe zone this month, reiterating concerns that Washington is still providing arms to the Kurdish fighters. He said his talks with Trump at the United Nations General Assembly this week could represent a “last chance” to establish the zone.

Maier acknowledged the United States is still providing “very tailored” weapons and vehicles to the SDF to help it fight the remnants of the Islamic State, which has been threatening to resurge in the country. But the United States provides Turkey a detailed list of the supplies on a monthly basis, he stressed.

He acknowledged that the security mechanism “is a work in progress.”

“We understand that there is a number of elements to this arrangement that will take place over time, removal of fortifications does not happen overnight, this is a work in progress,” Maier said, but “we feel like we’re on pace, or in some cases ahead of pace on what was agreed.”

U.S. defense and military officials stressed that the SDF is committed to removing the YPG elements that cause Turkey concern.

“They’re participating in all of the tasks that have been agreed upon in a combined manner moving forward,” said Brig. Gen. Scott Naumann, the director of operations for Operation Inherent Resolve. “We believe that this shows the total commitment to this agreement and our continuing coordination as we build on the positive momentum that we’ve achieved together.”

As part of the security mechanism, Washington and Ankara have also established a joint operational center in southern Turkey, where U.S. and Turkish military representatives are responsible for daily planning and coordination of the ground and aerial patrols, Maier said.

The depth of the zone has also been a flash point. Turkey has pushed for a safe zone that extends 20 miles into Syria, but the Kurds have balked at that number. Ahmed said the safe zone is currently between 3 and 9 miles into northeast Syria; U.S. officials declined to give a range.

The U.S. military has about 1,000 troops operating throughout northeast Syria as part of both the security mechanism and the mission to defeat the Islamic State, Naumann said. There are no plans to increase that footprint.

Ahmed also expressed frustration that the SDF is not represented at the constitutional committee or in Geneva talks to arrive at a peace agreement for the country. When asked if she felt sufficiently supported by the United States, she said, “No, it is not enough.”

“The only group that fought ISIS is excluded,” from peace talks, she said. “Who is going to write our constitution now?”

Ahmed acknowledged that the security mechanism is a good first step that “should open the door for a more sustainable dialogue.” But any permanent agreement requires a U.S. presence as a “guarantor” to both sides, she stressed.

In the long term, though, the U.S. military’s presence in Syria is still a question mark.

“The president has made clear he wants to end the military mission in Syria. At some point the question is how long is the United States going to leave its forces there and support the SDF,” Stroul said. “What happens to the U.S. military presence in northeast Syria is tied to what happens in the broader political process to maybe move toward a negotiated settlement.”

Lara Seligman is a staff writer at Foreign Policy. Twitter: @laraseligman

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THE PULSE OF THE MIDDLE EAST

Syria Pulse

Has Erdogan revealed Ankara’s occupational goals?

Article Summary

Syrian Kurds and Armenians fear a Turkish-run safe zone east of the Euphrates, particularly since Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan had threatened to establish a military safe zone east of the Euphrates and labels the Kurdish People’s Protection Units as terrorists.

QAMISHLI, Syria — As part of the US-Turkish understandings on a security mechanism east of the Euphrates to address the so-called Turkish security concerns, the United States and Turkey conducted Sept. 12 their fourth joint overflight over northeastern Syria. This mechanism includes joint land and aerial patrols in the so-called safe zone between the towns of Tell Abyad and Ras al-Ain.

This came one day after the deputy commander of the US European Command, Lt. Gen. Stephen M. Twitty, and the deputy commander of the US Central Command, Lt. Gen. Thomas W. Bergeson, traveled Sept. 11 to the US-Turkey joint operations center in Akcakale, in the Turkish province of Sanliurfa, as part of the operations for the safe zone on the Syrian-Turkish border, according to a Turkish Defense Ministry statement reported on by the pro-government Anatolia news agency.

The visit came three days after the first US-Turkish joint ground patrol was conducted Sept. 8 in the border areas between the towns of Tell Abyad and Ras al-Ain, as part of the second phase of the agreement for a safe zone in northeastern Syria.

On Sept. 8, Reuters quoted a witness as saying that the Turkish military vehicles entered Syria near Tell Abyad to conduct joint patrols with the US army in a safe zone. It noted that vehicles with Turkish flags joined those in Syria with US flags some 15 kilometers (9 miles) from the Turkish-Syrian border, near Tell Abyad.

At the inauguration ceremony of a number of development projects in the Turkish province of Malatya, and a few hours after conducting the first joint patrol in the safe zone, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan threatened Sept. 9 that Turkey will embark on its own plan in late September if the buffer zone in the northern part of the country is not initiated with the Turkish soldiers.

Ankara aspires for a buffer zone to be at least 30 kilometers (19 miles) wide along its border, and to be placed under its full control. This is added to the withdrawal of the Kurdish People’s Protection Units, which Ankara labels as a terrorist organization, from said buffer zone. While Ankara wants the buffer zone to be set up as far as 32 kilometers (20 miles) from its border, the United States speaks of a distance of 5-14 kilometers (3-8.5 miles).

Addressing a Kurdish tribal gathering in the city of Direk (al-Malikiyah) Sept. 12, Aldar Khalil, a member of the Executive Committee of the Democratic Society Movement (TEV-DEM), accused Turkey of not honoring its commitments in the agreement for the safe zone. The Kurdish leader said that Ankara is escaping the agreement and subsequently uncovering its objective of occupying in the region.

Fearing Erdogan’s threats, an Armenian-Syrian hailing from the countryside of Ras al-Ain in the northeast of Syria, fled to Qamishli a few months ago, where she spoke to Al-Monitor Sept. 12. She said on condition of anonymity that she is terrified that she and her family, as well as hundreds of other Armenians, suffer the same fate as her ancestors in 1915-1916, when thousands of Armenians, including her family from her dad’s side, were killed in the Armenian genocide committed by the Ottoman Turks against them.

She added, “We — the Armenians — fear for our lives and of suffering the same fate as our ancestors. Additional massacres will be committed against us and against other religious communities in case Ankara takes control over the safe zone. Similarly to the killings that were committed against the Yazidis and Christians, including the Armenians, in Afrin more than year ago.”

On July 26, Erdogan had threatened of establishing a military safe zone east of the Euphrates River and of burying the Kurds.

After the Ankara-backed Syrian opposition factions kidnapped and killed his son, Manan Mustafa, a Kurdish man in his 50s, fled Afrin into Kobani along with his family a year ago and has settled there. Speaking to Al-Monitor while he was visiting his sister in Qamishli Sept. 12, he said, “The Syrian opposition factions have been pursuing their violations against civilians in Afrin and its countryside since they took control over them, to exterminate those who remained there. A few days ago, they kidnapped and tortured to death a young guy, and killed an old couple and stole their money. They are nothing like the rebels they claim to be. They are criminals.”

He added, “if Turkey takes controls over the safe zone, its troops will commit massacres against us, the Kurds. They will displace us to have Arab Syrians from other cities resettle in ours. They seek to bring about a demographic change to our areas, similarly to what they have done in Afrin. They displaced its people and resettled the displaced from Ghouta there, and the armed opposition factions committed violations, such as the arrests, killings, kidnappings and torture against the inhabitants of Afrin. We fear that the same scenario of Afrin is replicated in case Turkey takes control over the safe zone.”

Human Right Watch accused June 14 the Turkey-backed Syrian opposition armed factions of seizing, destroying and looting the Kurds’ properties in Afrin, in northern Syria, and resettling their families in the houses of the Kurds.

The New York Times wrote Sept. 10 about Turkey’s efforts to establish a safe zone in northern Syria and described that it consists of Erdogan’s radical plan to end the Kurds’ presence in Syria through the Syrian refugees who reside in Turkey. It noted that Erdogan plans to establish a safe zone in order to get rid of the Kurds, under the pretext that they pose a threat to his country’s national security. It continued that Erdogan is ready to build cities in the safe zone for the resettlement of nearly 1 million of Turkey’s Syrian refugees. Erdogan said that in case the United States refrained from implementing the deal on the safe zone and in case the European Union did not provide Turkey with financial aid to help the refugees, his country will open the gates to Europe to them.

Lamar Erkendi is a human rights activist and journalist who works for several Arab and foreign websites.

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The Turkish occupation army and its mercenaries are burning agricultural crops of the Kurdish citizens in the occupied areas of northwestern Syria, in addition to other violations affecting women as the forced marriage and the imposition of the veil.

NEWS 06 Sep 2019, Fri – 10:07 2019-09-06T10:07:00 AL-SHAHBA-HANAN MOHAMMED-MEZGIN HAMO

Violations of the Turkish occupation army continue against the people in the occupied areas of northwestern Syria (Jrablos, Bab, Azaz, Afrin and Idlib.)

Violations against the people

A source from al-Bab said that the mercenaries in the villages of Noman, Tal Jarji, Nesibin, Qebasin and Qubbat Sheih are abusing indigenous people, especially in the Kurdish-majority villages.

According to the sources, the mercenaries impose royalties on the families and practice kidnappings to blackmail the residents and force them to pay money for the release of the abductees.

The Turkifiacation continuous

The same source confirmed that about 80% of the original inhabitants of al-Bab were forced out of their areas occupied by the Turkish army and mercenaries.

Since mid-August 2016, Turkey has occupied about 10% of Syria’s territory, and has followed the policy of Turkifiacation and demographic change.

The Turkish occupation army has housed tens of thousands of mercenary families in the homes of displaced people, and Turkish flags have been raised over institutions and in public squares.

Turkish language was imposed in schools, identity cards were issued by the Turkish state and young men were forced to join the ranks of mercenary groups belonging to Turkey.

Burning of crops and land grabs

The source added that the farmers in the villages of Noman, Tal Jarji, Nesibin, Qebasin and Qubbat Sheih, the predominantly Kurdish are being robbed, mercenaries do not allow them to harvest, and the mercenaries seize those agricultural lands to establish houses and shops.

Fearing angry reactions to these practices, the Turkish occupation army and its mercenaries suppress any form of protest and put hundreds of abductees in prison.

Forced marriage

The source said that widowed women are forced to marry mercenaries and to wear the niqab, and women avoid going out of their homes for fear of the practices of mercenary groups.

A.H ANHA

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The emptiness of Turkey’s complaints against Syrian Kurds

by Michael Rubin

| September 03, 2019 11:16 AM

James Jeffrey, a former U.S. ambassador to Turkey, continues to seek to appease Turkish saber-rattling and appears ready to facilitate Turkish entrance into Kurdish-administered northeastern Syria.

This would be a terrible idea for several reasons:

The Kurdish zone in Syria is the most stable and secure region in the country.
The Kurds almost single-handedly defeated al Qaeda and then the Islamic State at a time when both received support from the Turkish intelligence service and members of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s family, if not Erdoğan himself. Kurdish forces allied with the United States when Turkey sought to undermine the U.S. position.
Turkish intelligence is deeply flawed and politicized.
Turkey’s previous incursion into northern Syria ended in anti-Kurdish ethnic cleansing.

Before President Trump and Jeffrey make any more concessions to Erdoğan and his imperial ambitions, it might be useful for them to consider whether Turkey’s stated grievances are real, or rather a tactic to extract concessions.

Turkish officials state repeatedly that Kurdish-controlled northern Syria poses a terror threat, and that the Kurdistan Workers Party uses the zone as a safe haven from which to stage attacks into Syria.

The Rojava Information Center, a Syrian Kurdish think tank, just released a database of all incidents, almost three dozen in all, across the Turkey-Syria border this year. They found that all but one of the attacks was staged from Turkey into Syria, rather than the other way around. These attacks included heavy weapons and rocket fire from Turkish positions into northeast Syria, killing 27, all of whom were civilian and one of whom was a child. In contrast, there was only one attack from northeast Syria into Turkey, with the perpetrator arrested by the Syrian Defense Forces, the Kurdish-dominated local militias.

Frankly, if Turkey’s concern is the fight against terrorism, diplomats should base their policy on reality rather than what increasingly appears to be yet one more example of tendentious Turkish demands. If either Jeffrey or his Turkish interlocutors dispute the Rojava Information Center database, it’s time they release their own record of Kurdish terrorism emanating from Syria. Their silence suggests, frankly, Turkish grievances are without merit and, therefore, U.S. efforts to appease Turkey at the expense of the Kurds to be both counterproductive and immoral. Rather than Kurdish terrorism, it is Turkey’s proposed buffer zone, Turkey’s revanchism, and its use of fake grievances to justify its imperialism that poses the greatest threat to the region.

Michael Rubin (@Mrubin1971) is a contributor to the Washington Examiner’s Beltway Confidential blog. He is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute and a former Pentagon official.

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The Battle for the Mountain of the Kurds: Self-Determination and Ethnic Cleansing in the Afrin Region of Rojava

battle_for_mountain_of_the_kurds

In early 2018, Turkey invaded the autonomous Kurdish region of Afrin in Syria and is currently threatening to ethnically cleanse the region. Between 2012 and 2018, the “Mountain of the Kurds” (Kurd Dagh) as the area has been called for centuries, had been one of the quietest regions in a country otherwise torn by civil war.

After the outbreak of the Syrian civil war in 2011, the Syrian army withdrew from the region in 2012, enabling the Party of Democratic Union (PYD), the Syrian sister party of Abdullah Öcalan’s outlawed Turkish Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) to first introduce a Kurdish self-administration and then, in 2014, to establish the Canton Afrin as one of the three parts of the heavily Kurdish Democratic Federation of Northern Syria, which is better known under the name Rojava.

This self-administration—which had seen multiparty municipal and regionwide elections in the summer and autumn of 2017, which included a far-reaching autonomy for a number of ethnic and religious groups, and which had provided a safe haven for up to 300,000 refugees from other parts of Syria—is now at risk of being annihilated by the Turkish invasion and occupation.

Thomas Schmidinger is one of the very few Europeans to have visited the Canton of Afrin. In this book, he gives an account of the history and the present situation of the region. In a number of interviews, he also gives inhabitants of the region from a variety of ethnicities, religions, political orientations, and walks of life the opportunity to speak for themselves. As things stand now, the book might seem to be in danger of becoming an epitaph for the “Mountain of the Kurds,” but as the author writes, “the battle for the Mountain of the Kurds is far from over yet.”

Praise:
“Preferable to most journalistic accounts that reduce the Rojava revolution to a single narrative. It will remain an informative resource even when the realities have further changed.”
—Martin van Bruinessen, Kurdish Studies on Rojava: Revolution, War and the Future of Syria’s Kurds

About the Contributors:
Thomas Schmidinger is a political scientist and a cultural and social anthropologist. He teaches at the University of Vienna and is both secretary-general of the Austrian Society for the Promotion of Kurdology and coeditor of the Vienna Kurdish Studies Yearbook. He is the author of a number of books on migration, cultural integration, the Middle East, and other topics, several of which have been translated. His previously translated book Rojava: Revolution, War and the Future of Syria’s Kurds was published by Pluto Press in 2018.

Andrej Grubačić is the chair of the Anthropology and Social Change department at the California Institute of Integral Studies. His books include Don’t Mourn, Balkanize: Essays after Yugoslavia. Andrej is a member of the International Council of the World Social Forum, the Industrial Workers of the World, and the Global Balkans Network.

Michael Schiffmann is a linguist, cultural scientist, translator, editor, and author and teaches at the Universities of Heidelberg and Mannheim. He is working on a research project on the history of Noam Chomsky’s generative grammar and is active in the international campaigns to free Mumia Abu-Jamal and Leonard Peltier. He has translated works by Mumia Abu-Jamal, Homi K. Bhabha, Noam Chomsky, Mahmoud Darwish, Angela Davis, Amy Goodman, Ilan Pappé, Miko Peled, and Edward Said.

Product Details:
Author: Thomas Schmidinger • Preface: Andrej Grubačić • Translator: Michael Schiffmann
Publisher: PM Press/Kairos
ISBN: 978-1-62963-651-1
Published: 03/01/2019
Format: Paperback
Size: 6×9
Page count: 192

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The distribution of mercenary groups and local councils affiliated to the Turkish occupation army in Afrin and their functional tasks confirms the Turkish strategy adopted in the occupied canton, which is based on quotas for looting, sabotaging, demographic change and harassment of the people.

NEWS 27 Aug 2019, Tue – 08:15 2019-08-27T08:15:00 SHAHBA- JAFAR JAFO

The Turkish army and its mercenary groups occupied Afrin canton in March 18, 2018, after a brutal attack that began in January 20 of the same year, killing hundreds of civilians, injuring thousands, and displacing hundreds of thousands more from the canton as well as the destruction of infrastructure, worship places, health facilities and services

Following the occupation, the Turkish occupation army and its mercenaries began attempting to impose a system based on obliterating the identity of the occupied canton and changing its national and religious character by displacing the indigenous population and settling the families of mercenaries in their place, in addition to continuous thefts, looting and daily kidnappings.

Local sources told our agency that there are three intelligence headquarters in Afrin belonging to the Turkish state.

One is directly affiliated to Erdogan’s party, the second belongs to the so-called Turkish opposition and the third is directly linked to the Turkish Intelligence Department.

Afrin is run directly by a wali in Hatay, Turkey, meaning that the Turkish state views Afrin as a Turkish state.

When the Turkish occupation army and its mercenaries entered and occupied Afrin, they published a general circular among the factions and mercenary battalions.

Mercenary groups spread through the city

The mercenary groups are distributed in the city of Afrin, and each group has the right to do whatever it wants in the neighborhood under its occupation without any deterrence. The work of mercenary groups is complemented by local councils appointed by the Turkish occupation to complement the work of mercenary groups.

Ashrafiyya neighborhood is occupied by the mercenaries of Jabha Shamiya while the Sultan Murad’s mercenaries occupy the area between Zaydiyah and Mahmudiyah neighborhoods. As for Villat street, it is under the occupation of al-Hamzat mercenaries, and the area between Villat street and Zaidiyya district is under the mercenaries of Mutasim brigade with the mercenaries of Sultan Murad.

On every street in Afrin, there is a headquarter run by 10 mercenaries, whose main task is to tell the people who oppose the occupation and the people of Afrin who come from abroad.

These headquarters control the aspects of life and prevent locals from visiting their relatives without permission from the headquarters.

In each prison, the kidnapped from Afrin, who are released if their families pay large sums of money, are detained which punishment is decided according to the accusation the mercenaries themselves make.

Abductors sometimes make choices between 45 days in prison or paying $ 300.

In some cases, the abductees are transferred to prisons under the control of the Turkish authorities in Kilis and Gaziantep, Turkey, where thousands of Afrin residents are said to be abducted.

In the countryside, the situation is no different from the city and the same mechanisms are followed.

Countless mercenary groups

In addition, there are three corps in Afrin (1st, 2nd and 3rd Corps). Each corps consists of four divisions, each division has several brigades, each brigade has a number of battalions and each battalion includes 60 to 70 mercenaries.

Where does mercenaries’ funding come from?

Ahrar Sharqiya Jaish Asharqiya and Shuhada’a Badr mercenaries, and some other groups rely, financially speaking, on looting and asking for ransoms.

The rest of the mercenaries of Sultan Murad, Sultan Fatih and Firqat Hamzat are financed directly by the Turkish state.

At the beginning of the occupation of Afrin, each element used to be paid 1000-800 TL, now, each element is paid 300 TL.

How the battalion of Meshaal Tammo was liquidated

Although some of the accomplices cooperated with the Turkish occupation at the beginning of the attack, they received a humiliating fate.

Meshaal Tammo battalion participated in the occupation of Afrin and after 8 months it was liquidated by the Turkish occupation army.

The battalion was run by Mohammed al-Sheikh (Abu Mariam al-Haskawi) and Abu Mariam al-Afrini from Jalma village, and they had 300 elements and after 8 months, they were liquidated, where the Turkish army kidnapped Mohammed al-Sheikh and took them to al-Rai prison in Azaz where he was killed in prison by mercenaries of Sultan Murad, while Abu Mariam al-Afrini has been kidnapped and his fate is still unknown.

Meshaal Tamo’s mercenaries hoped to have a share of Afrin occupation, but they were left empty-handed.

Stealing women jewelry

Ahrar al-Sham mercenaries recruited a group of settler women whose job was to loot and steal jewelry and money from Afrin women through anesthesia.

This group puts a piece of cloth containing narcotic substances on the mouths of women when they enter their homes and after the loss of consciousness, they steal their jewelry and money.

Establishment of camps in Afrin

Since the Turkish occupation of Afrin, the Turkish occupation army and its mercenaries have established three camps in the village of Deir Balut in Janders district, Bulbul district, Shera district, and every camp hosts thousands of displaced people, these camps were established for Afrin people to settled in.

The percentage of settlers in Afrin is estimated at 75%, and the settlers were settled in the homes of Afrin residents.

What is the function of councils?

The agent councils to the Turkish occupation in Afrin have the job of stealing money from the people, where they interfere in every single matter.

For example, when the olive harvest begins, 10% of the output is deducted to the local council, 10% to the military council and 15% to the protection committee. After transferring the olives to the press, the oil is deducted between the farms and the mercenaries occupying the village.

Hundreds of agents and traitors in Afrin

On every street in Afrin and in every village, there are agents and traitors working for mercenaries and the occupation army whose job is to report opponents of the Turkish occupation and accuse the people to collect money.

Among the agents and traitors is Filmaz Osman from the village of Deir Sawan, located in the district of Shera since the occupation of Afrin, has accused more than 300 citizens on various charges and each citizen paid $ 400 for his/her release, some of whom fate is still unknown.

J.O ANHA

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KCK’s Bayik: People of northern Syria must prepare for war

Cemil Bayik describes the Turkish state with its expansionist character as a basic problem for the Middle East and says: “The Turkish state is a danger not only for the Kurds, but for all.”

ANF
BEHDINAN
Friday, 9 Aug 2019, 07:53

According to the KCK (Kurdistan Communities Union) Executive Council Co-chair Cemil Bayik, the Turkish state attacks the Kurdish freedom movement because it is a bulwark against its anti-Kurdish goals. However, the attacks are not directed against PKK alone. Turkey is trying to legitimize its aggression by denouncing the presence of the PKK in South Kurdistan and by representing North Syria as a threat to its own. However, this does not correspond to the truth, says Bayik and asks: “Is the PKK also present in the eastern Mediterranean or in Libya?”

ANF spoke to Cemil Bayik about the latest developments. Here are translated excerpts from the interview.

According to Bayik, it is clear that the AKP-MHP alliance with its big Turkish self-image cannot survive without war: “The attitude toward the Kurdish people has not changed. They will continue to practice a dirty policy against the Kurds and continue their occupation and massacres. The oppression of the peoples in Turkey will continue as well. Therefore, they want to destroy everything that bears the name ‘Kurdish’ or ‘Kurdistan’, to rebuild the nation state, to re-conquer Ottoman territory and once again reach the borders of the National Pact. To this end, they are waging a war in the Middle East, trying to strengthen their position in the region. On June 23 (in the elections) they suffered a heavy blow. Then they made the war the basis of their policy, to hide their weakness, to paralyze the democratic forces, and to stay in power.

The problem is not the PKK

The Turkish state is trying to achieve its goal by arguing that: ‘We have nothing against Kurds, we oppose the PKK and only we fight it.’ Fragmentation of the Kurds has always been a crucial tactic of Turkish fascism. Throughout its history, Turkish fascism aimed to destroy the Kurds. Those Kurdish actors who stand by Erdoğan and Bahçeli should know this very well. They are directed against themselves, their own people, not the PKK. They owe nothing to the Turkish state and they do not have to serve it. If it wasn’t for the PKK, they would have achieved no gains today. So, they owe to the PKK.

Turkey’s hatred is not only against the Kurds of Bakur (North Kurdistan) or the PKK, it is directed against the entire Kurdish people. This reality is seen clearly in Bashur (South Kurdistan) and Rojava (West Kurdistan). Some Kurds in Rojava and South Kurdistan say, ‘That’s right, the Turkish state is attacking because the PKK is here. If the PKK did not exist then such attacks would not take place. ‘For those who think so I would like to point out the situation in Libya and the eastern Mediterranean. There is no PKK in Libya, but everyone knows that Turkey is the cause of the problems there. Therefore, it is not about the presence of the PKK. The PKK defends the dignity of the Kurdish people. That’s why Turkey is attacking. Turkey attacks of all Kurds in the person of the PKK. The Kurds should see this and not put themselves in the service of the fascist Turkish state.

Turkey dangerous for everyone

Turkey is currently talking about a ‘peace corridor’. At the moment, the peoples of northern and eastern Syria live in brotherhood. They want to create and develop their own democratic system. Turkey is an enemy of democracy and liberties. It is an enemy of brotherhood and peoples. Turkey has designed its own plan and acts accordingly. The basis of this plan is the question of how to best divide the Kurds, how to separate the Kurds in Bakur from those in Bashur and those in Rojava. As part of this plan, the Kurds are meant to be expelled and replaced with other people that Turkey sees as “favorable”.

We have to understand the goal exactly

When Turkey keeps talking about invading northern Syria, it also says, ‘We will destroy this region and settle the refugees from Syria there.’ At the same time, it plans to deploy its own militias there. We can see the implementation of this plan in the case of Afrin. The Kurdish people must understand this reality exactly and oppose it with all its possibilities. The peoples of northern Syria must also understand the goal of Turkey exactly. In this sense, the peoples of the region must further concretize their brotherhood and further develop the struggle through their organization.

People should prepare for resistance to the occupation

It is now necessary to build self-defense forces against a Turkish invasion, defense and security. If this does not happen, there will be a great danger. It does not look like that peace will be ensured in Syria in the near future. In the Middle East ravages the Third World War and it will go on. This war can expand even further. That’s why it’s not about the question of a peaceful solution. Nobody should cling to such hope and deceive themselves. Therefore, both the people and the defense forces of Northern Syria should prepare for war. The defense must be expanded in every respect. That’s what has to happen. There is no other way to prevent the invasion by Turkey.

They are planning worse than in Afrin

The coalition, Russia and Syria must grasp this reality. The Arab peoples must also understand this. The Kurds, together with the Arabs, must courageously oppose the Turkish invasion. The Turkish state wants to strike a wedge between the Kurdish and the Arab population. They want to use some militia groups and cooperating Arabs for the occupation of northern and eastern Syria. They say that places like Girê Spî, Şêxler and Serêkaniyê are not Kurdish but Arab lands. They say they will settle there the Arabs who have fled to Turkey. ‘They want to repeat what they did in Afrin. Everyone knows what the Turkish state and its militias did to the people of Afrin. Everyone sees how the Kurds in particular, but also all other peoples, are oppressed. If Turkey invades northern Syria, it will be worse than in Afrin. Everyone has to understand that. Therefore, all options must be used to strengthen the resistance.”

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Turkish regime and allied mercenaries attack civilians in Afrin

At least 127 artillery attacks have been carried out by Turkish forces and mercenaries on villages in Shera, Afrin, leaving many civilians wounded.

ANF
AFRIN
Friday, 9 Aug 2019, 16:28

The villages of Meyase, Soxanekê, Zirnahitê and Aqibê in Shera district of Afrin have been under the attack of the Turkish invasion army and allied mercenaries since early this morning. According to the Rojava based Hawar News Agency (ANHA), the mentioned villages were targeted by at least 127 artillery attacks.

In the Aqibê village, 5 civilians have been wounded by the attacks, among them a kid and two women.

The wounded have been taken to hospital by Kurdish Red Crescent Heyva Sor a Kurd. One of these is reported to be a baby and the others were identified as Remzî Mehmûd (30), Kîbar Berekat (50), Sozan Alîko (23) and Mîrvan Berekat.

Heyva Sor a Kurd officials stated that the wounded civilians are in good condition.

In parallel with the attacks, the region is witnessing ongoing reconnaissance flights.

Since the evening of August 08, the Turkish occupation forces shelled the inhabited villages in the Shera district especially the villages of Marnaz and Al-Malikiyah with artillery and mortar shells.

NEWS 09 Aug 2019, Fri – 16:03 2019-08-09T16:03:00 NEWS DESK

Afrin Liberation Forces(HRE) Media center issued a statement in which it revealed the outcomes of the operations carried out against the Turkish occupation army and mercenaries,” Since the evening of August 08, the Turkish occupation forces shelled the inhabited villages in the Shera district especially the villages of Marnaz and Al-Malikiyah with artillery and mortar shells. Clashes took place between our forces and the Turkish occupation soldiers and mercenaries in the village of Marnaz, which belongs to the district of Shera, where one of our fighters was martyred after he showed heroic resistance against the occupation and its mercenaries, where we will reveal his record in detail in the coming period.

In response, our forces carried out a specific operation targeting a military base of the Turkish occupation near the areas of clashes in the district of Shera, which resulted in the death of a number of Turkish soldiers , we were unable to determine the number of wounded and dead. Helicopters hovered over the area of Afrin to transport the dead and wounded.”

A.H
ANHA.

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The member of the General Command of the Syrian Democratic Forces(SDF), Newroz Ahmed, revealed the Turkish plan to occupy 32 km of the Syrian lands saying:” in the event of an attack by the Turkish state, the response will be decisive and every place will turn into a battlefield.”

NEWS 05 Aug 2019, Mon – 07:55 2019-08-05T07:55:00 AL-HASKAH-MURADA KINDA-AHMED MOHAMMED

Threats of the Turkish state continue in the north and east of Syria targeting all Syrian components under the pretext of establishing the so-called “safe area” at a depth of 32 km.

The administration of north and east of Syria provided some conditions regarding the “safe area” as follows: The safe area should be 5 km deep on the border and more outside the cities and not under the control of the Turkish state.

The Autonomous Administration said that Turkish troops can make joint patrols with coalition patrols on the border and in empty areas. This proposal was discussed by the concerned authorities. If this condition is applied, the return of the Afrin residents forcibly removed to their areas must be implemented.

Statistics of border cities “safe area”

All Syriac, Kurds, Arabs , Yezidis, Turkomans, Armenians, Circassians and Chechens live in Syria.

The north-east of Syria means al-Jazeera and the Euphrates regions, al-Jazeera region consists of 2 canton Qamishlo and al-Hasakah, while the Euphrates region consists of Kobani and “Gire Spi”/ Tal Abyad.

And the towns on the border strip of the safe area being discussed, Kobani, Serekaniye, Darbasiyah, Amouda, Qamishlo, Terbispia and Derik.

Turkish state practices from 2011 until 2019 on the border

The violations of the Turkish state on the northern and eastern regions of Syria are increasing day after day, and through these practices, the legitimacy of the so-called safe area is being tried in many ways.

The question is who needs a safe area at this stage?

The crimes of the Turkish state since 2011 up to now according to the statistics of the human rights organization in al-Jazeera, which the organization documented (apart from its practices in Afrin): 223 people were killed, 3 members were robbed, dozens were raped and abducted, 15 people were subjected to torture. In addition, the residents of 129 border villages were prevented from planting and harvesting their seasonal crops with a land area of approximately 27,633.1 dunums.

In this context, the member of the General Command of the Syrian Democratic Forces, Newroz Ahmed, answered ANHA’s questions regarding the threats of the Turkish state and the Turkish military buildup on the northern and eastern borders of Syria recently.

How did the “safe zone” begin?

We never addressed the issue of the safe area, because our areas are safe by nature, but after Daesh defeat, some forces wanted to control the region, but these forces did not succeed in achieving their goals. We have had relations with some neighboring countries such as Turkey, even if they are not official but at a high level. The Turkish state is better informed that we have never attacked its borders, and we have had no attempts to create a threat to Turkish state policy, but the severity of the threats the Turkish state has increased in recent times. In the words of its leaders, ” The Kurds got a role in Başûr Kurdistan, they will get it here too, but we will never allow them on our borders,” this is the real objective of the Turkish state of these threats.”

How is the safe area on the agenda?

We do not aim to attack the Turkish state, and we are working to repel attacks against our people at home, but the Turkish state always remembers that it does not want such a force on its borders. The safe area is on the agenda of discussions with Turkish threats. We, as the forces of protection and as the people of this region, say that our region is one of the most safe areas, that our people live in safety, live with their identity and free will. In addition, there are large numbers of displaced people living in our areas.

What does Turkey want from the realization of the safe area?

We do not want the continuation of the war on our land, and the pretexts that the Turkish state raises for us to solve by dialogue. The Turkish state occupies the land of another country before the eyes of the world, the state of al-Bab, Azzaz, Idlib and Afrin clear to the world. Now the Turkish state wants to occupy northern and eastern Syria. Our regions are safe, but we are open to a safe area, and we do not want our people to face new wars. As far as possible, we want to reach a result with these forces, that means being satisfied with the removal of the reasons and the pretext of the Turkish state.

Do you accept Turkey’s supervision over the safe area?

We can form border protection forces and ensure that no attack takes place on our part, but the Turkish state prevents the people of this region from protecting themselves, and we do not accept the protection of an external force for this area. Everyone should know that the Turkish state cannot survive in the region. It has killed a lot of our people, and this people cannot accept the Turkish state in this region.

What is the purpose of occupying the territory of northern and eastern Syria at a depth of 32 km?

The Turkish state plans to impose 32 km on its relations with some forces and the Syrian regime. According to the plan, 32 km will be under the control of the Turkish state. Other forces will enter southern Syria. And thus they want to divide the region among themselves, and eliminate all the achievements and gains achieved by the great sacrifices of the people of the region.

Is the mercenaries attacks have a relationship with the threats of the Turkish state?

Attacks by mercenaries are intensifying as the Turkish state’s threats to the region intensify, and this has become apparent recently. This indicates that the goal of the Turkish state is to revive mercenaries for control of the region and creating tension and instability. The families of Daesh said in the camps there that they would be active again. According to the intelligence we obtained, the sleeping cells said, “We will take revenge and we will return soon.” This is a great danger not only for the region but also for the world. We have managed to reduce the risk of arresting them, but in reality it is also difficult for us this situation there is a need to prosecute the international mercenaries of Daesh.

You met with the Central Command of the US Army in the Middle East, “Kenneth Mackenzie, and the International Alliance’s envoy against Daesh William Rubak, at what level was the dialogue between you, and how was the result?

We discussed with the US leaders the Turkish threats, our conditions for the “safe area” and the means of dialogue for the solution and the sleeping cells of Daesh. The US side focused on finding common solutions without entering the region by war. The position of the Turkish State hampers the solution, even if the recent talks have not reached a conclusion but are continuing.

The position of our people in northern and eastern Syria is a matter of appreciation and respect. The people are well aware that the objective of these threats is not only the Kurds, but the goal is to eliminate the brotherhood of the people of the region,we have achieved great achievements thanks to the support of our people in the difficult and critical stages, and we will protect our areas with our people on the ground, and we will protect it from the attacks of the Turkish state. We are open to dialogue, and we support attempts at a solution, but if necessary, we are ready to resist everywhere.

The Turkish media has been talking about the return of the Syrian refugees recently. Before the occupation of Afrin, the Turkish state was also making these absurd pretexts. What is the reason for this trading at this stage?

In order for the Turkish state to incite its attacks on the region, the situation of the displaced is publicized, but the people are not displaced to Turkey but live on their land. There are a large number of those who were accomplices to the Turkish and fled to Turkey. When Gire Spi released some small groups fled with the Free Army to Turkey. The Turkish State cannot take the return of these people as a pretext that they have been displaced from their land and must return. The Turkish state wants to take this as a platform for its attacks and legitimize it under this curtain, but it will not success.

How will your strategy be to respond to a possible attack?

If the Turkish state does not choose the dialogue for a solution, we will be prepared for war. If an attack is launched on any region, this attack will not be limited to this region. Rather, the long border with the Turkish state will become a region of war. What the Turkish state has done in Afrin wants to repeat it in other areas gradually. Of course, the war will pose great dangers to the people. There are millions of civilians and different components living on this land. This war will change the balance of the entire region. There are various forces in Syria and even the Syrian regime will try to regain control of the region, as well as there are Iranian forces and groups of mercenaries and still remain a significant threat to the region. If such a war took place, mercenaries would benefit and continue to practice their terrorism, and there would be thousands of displaced people in the camps, and this war would be a great threat to their lives. In addition, there are detainees from mercenaries, especially those arrested in the Deir ez-Zor campaign.

Do you have meetings with the Syrian regime regarding the threats of the Turkish state.

We have had some meetings with the Syrian regime in the past, but he wants to control all areas as if nothing happened and even impose conditions. The Syrian regime is trying to accuse us of cooperating with foreign powers, as if we were the ones who brought foreign forces to Syrian territory. this is not true. Even the Syrian regime knows very well that we have not brought external forces to our regions, and the current situation is the result of what the region has experienced.

In fact, the mentality of the Syrian regime was the reason for the entry of external forces into Syrian territory. The regime has sometimes declared its positions through media statements against the threats of the Turkish state, but the mentality has not changed towards the peoples of the region. We insist on holding meetings to change the mentality of denial and liquidation. These attacks pose a danger to the Syrian regime as well, because in the end it will occupy part of the Syrian territory. When Turkey attacks, the regime will not be able to discuss or resolve the issue, but the situation will be complicated. In short, we had some meetings with the Syrian regime, but unfortunately, we have not obtained results.

A.H ANHA

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Interview: Anarchist Volunteer with Kongra Star in Rojava

Published August 2, 2019

This interview was conducted by AMW with an anarchist volunteer from the US, who worked in civil structures in Rojava, predominantly at the Kongra Star Diplomacy office. Kongra Star is the administrative body that seeks to implement women’s liberation through increased awareness and involvement in civil projects.

How long were you in Rojava?

I was there for close to a year.

What inspired you to go?

After first hearing about the events happening in Rojava, I began to research it and felt that I couldn’t form any sort of real picture of what was going on there based on what I read. There was, of course, a lot of positive stuff coming out, but a lot of it had really similar content. I began to study Kurdish, hoping that by learning Kurdish I’d have more access to material about Rojava. I was hoping to go to study in Northern Kurdistan with family of some friends of mine, but it worked out that I had a chance to go to Rojava first. I didn’t know how long it would be possible to access Rojava, so I took the chance to go. I was also hoping to find an environment where people were creating a revolutionary movement that looked toward all parts of society. In my case, I was particularly interested in youth education: what would be the approach to teaching kids of a kindergarten/elementary school age, and what sort of culture would evolve around that? As it turned out, Rojava has fairly minimal structures of this kind. I’ve hear that in Bakur (North Kurdistan) there’s been more extensive work of this kind done, but in Rojava most schooling was piggybacking on the existing structures, with the biggest change being the inclusion of languages other than Arabic.

What structures / collectives were you involved in? What sort of work did you do? What were the goals of this work?

I began at the Internationalist Commune, for three or four months, then I transferred to working with the women’s movement at the Kongra Star Diplomacy office and on the Women Rise Up For Afrin Campaign.

Unfortunately, because of the threat of Turkish invasion in mid-December, a lot of civil projects got disrupted. We’d been discussing organizing a computer class for women located at the university. We were running into the issue of lack of computers, and by the time things returned to normal I didn’t have the ability to organize the class before I left. At Kongra Star we were mostly trying to develop the capacity of people at the office. A lot of people were eager to learn more about computers or English, but there weren’t many resources available, so I was trying to spread knowledge into the local community. I was helping with web/graphic design and translation. We had some formal lessons on computer skills, but I was also working in a more informal capacity – for example, checking over the english translations with the women who translated them, so they could improve their work. We also were trying to push for a transition to more secure online practices, like using Protonmail instead of gmail. Our office all had Protonmail addresses, now it just needs to spread to the rest of Kurdistan!

What kinds of relationships did you form through your work?

I made personal friends with some of the women I worked with, and would see them after work. Others I was on good terms with, but we didn’t spend much free time together. I met a lot of my friends’ families and extended families, who I would sometimes see walking around the city. I made friends with one of the drivers (and his family) as well as some of the security guards outside, who were part of the Asayish (basically the police, which was weird). I know someone else who’s a rapper who was able to tell me about the local hip hop scene, and unfortunate lack of a graffiti scene. He’s an awesome guy who’s really open, friendly and dedicated. His perspective on the city was really unique and through knowing him I was able to see a totally different side of things than I would see with some of my other friends. I have another good friend who I got to know, we keep in touch and she hopes to come out here to study English. She’s having trouble getting her paperwork from school, which is in an Assad regime supporting area. I guess somehow they heard she was working for the Self-Administration and are refusing to pass on her transcripts.

Did you get to experience any examples of collective life?

Everyday life in Syria tends to be fairly collective, organized around the family and home. This is doubly so in the villages, where the workload often includes tending to fields, trees, sheep/goats, and so on. The villages are often quite small, a few hundred people or less, so everyone knows each other and what’s going on with everyone else. The collective/communal projects in Northeast Syria take root in these kinds of relationships, which are longstanding and intergenerational.

Even in the city, there’s a village feel to the way people are interconnected.That being said, there are a lot of hardships that even a tight knit community can struggle to face, given the economic situation of Syria overall. Spending time in civil society made me understand how and why the Kurdish movement puts such a high value on collectivity, since families are generally a pretty high-knit collective unit.

I also experienced collective life in the Internationalist Commune. People participate in all activities communally, sharing time at meals, work, tea, education and so on. Although nominally collective, power was centered in the hands of certain individuals with a specific vision they wanted to implement. I understand that the people there are different now, so perhaps those with sympathies toward more authoritarian approaches are gone now. I can’t say. Overall I found it useful to be there to understand the mindset of the Kurdish movement, but there are big cultural differences that call for different approaches to collectivity in the US or in an anarchist context.

Did you get to view any of the revolutionary civil structures like HPC, the councils or work collectives? Or did you get to talk with anyone who did? What sort of impressions did they make on you?

Yes! A lot…

I was working in one, kind of. At the Kongra Star Diplomacy office the structure is more like a traditional office. We had a lot of work to do, like translation, web/social media, planning for events/delegations, and so on. We held intermittent tekmîl* but it wasn’t often necessary since our work generally proceeded pretty straightforwardly. Women were encouraged, but not required, to take part in a three-month closed education to learn some of the ideology of the Kurdish movement, which some did and some didn’t.

At the office, we were sort of what is called ‘heremî,’ which translates roughly to ‘locals’ – just average people who wound up working in the structure, whose ideologically commitment to the Kurdish struggle is not a precondition for joining. The salary was 60,000 Syrian a month, which is good but not enough to support a family on. Compare it to about 100,000 in some of the security fields like YPG or Asayiş. For some women, the pay was an important part of family income. For others, the experience of being outside the home/family was more central to why they worked there.

I also came into more superficial contact with many other civil structures, or people that were involved in them. The most impressive one was HPC-Jin (Women’s Force for the Protection of Society) which was made up of older women, mostly grandmothers or older mothers. They patrolled neighborhoods at night to make sure they were safe, helped provide security at events and marches, and did outreach to stay at home women to leach them about self defense and generally check on their well being. In my experience, the HPC-Jin women were incredibly involved in their communities both while they were in uniform as HPC-Jin and as citizens at home. They were generally very ‘welatparêz’ or pro-Kurdish movement, often with kids in YPJ/YPG. I was in Kurdish dominated areas so I don’t know what HPC-Jin looked like in, say, Hesekê.

I was in some contact with the youth movement but preferred to spend more time around the women’s movement. Many of the individuals were enthusiastic young people who were extremely genuine and dedicated to their beliefs, who I liked personally and enjoyed their company. However, I found some of the dogmatism and vanguardist approach to organizing opposed to my own preferences. I was much more at home in the womens’ movement, which is overall more open and dynamic. That being said, Jineology Ciwan [Young Women’s Jineology] was the most open and dynamic element of the youth, and was doing great educational and outreach work when I was there.

*tekmîl (said ‘tekmeel’) is a structured critique and self-critique process utilized in civil and military structures in Rojava as a way to reflect on exercises and actions

What were your observations or experiences of feminism on a day to day level?

Yikes, this is a big topic…as a female presenting person in women’s structures over there, I was around women most of the time. The rise of the women’s movement seemed to be the one of the largest changes in the region. When I asked people their feelings on the ‘Rojava revolution’ and other aspects of local politics, two things came up a lot. First, the change in living conditions for the Kurds. And secondly, the changes in the status and possibilities for women. I wasn’t there before, so I can’t speak too much to the changes that have happened. As I see things, the power of the women’s movement is putting some social force behind feminism, and helping these changes spread to the peripheries. For example, I was at a Jineology Ciwan camp. A lot of the young women were spending their first night away from home, ever, and a number of them had come from families that needed convincing to let them go.

The bulk of the work I was around was centered on feminism in some way – at times this manifested as women gaining the skills to be seen as equals as men, other times in education so women had knowledge and power about their own bodies. Sometimes gender/generational dynamics were more confrontational. For example, when I was there child brides were a controversial subject. The Self-Administration had a campaign against it, by building public awareness, some targeting of specific dressmakers that would sew dresses for child brides, and sheltering girls that ran away from their families. Girls would sometimes flee to YPJ or other structures with the aim of escaping an arranged marriage [or other reasons], which created a problem because YPJ couldn’t accept the child recruits. I met a few girls who were at YPJ-international learning English with hazy plans to possibly go to university later. I reencountered one of them a few months later and she had chosen to help in one of the camps for ISIS women and children. The girls I met seemed to be in a really good situation, but the possibility that girls will run away and join a structure in the Kurdish movement has led to families trying to marry off girls as a way to keep them from running away, sometimes at even younger ages than they would have before. When I was around there was a discussion of the pros and cons of making child marriage illegal; I believe at this time there hasn’t been a law passed forbidding it, since it’s believed that it would just continue in secret and the law would be ineffective.

Another big issue when I was there was health education. Most women haven’t had a basic know-your-body education, and young women often get false information about sex, pregnancy and similarly taboo issues. Jineology was teaching classes sharing basic information about anatomy, health and self-care.

There is some level of acknowledgment that feminism needs to become anti-patriarchy; that is, not just be a thing women talk about. Men need to confront their patriarchal behaviors, and do their own work in thinking about how internalized patriarchy has affected them. At this point, though, that’s not something that is happening in a systemic way.

If you had to take away lessons from what you observed in civil society in terms of revolutionary practices, what would they be? Or in other words, are there certain practices you think would be useful to adapt to organizing back home?

Well, the social context is wildly different from that of the US, so it’s hard to transfer things directly. The local politics of Northeastern Syria have had years to develop since the Rojava Revolution, so the problems and solutions develop out of that population. If anything, I saw the importance of knowing your local context.

One of the major things I was impressed with was the ability of people across different spectrums of life to engage in the political process. I have a number of friends who are in their late 20s or early 30s and still feel a desire to be politically active but don’t have the capacity to be involved in the standard ways. The Kurdish movement offers a lot of ways people can be involved. It’s easy to lend support financially, volunteer to house people, be involved in neighborhood self-governing structures, be educated for self defense, or make room for one’s children to do so. I wish we had this diversity of outlets for support, so my friends who are farmers, educators, social workers, parents, and so on felt like they could be meaningfully involved.

Did your political views shift at all due to your experiences?

I guess the biggest thing is that I’m more of an individualist now, in a way. I saw a bit of excess in the other direction coming from internationals, so I recognize the need for an element of individualism to uphold ideological diversity, creativity, and healthy group dynamics.

Are there any practices you experienced or saw that you think we should avoid or be wary of cultivating?

I view the projects going on in Northeastern Syria and Rojava as deserving our support and solidarity, much in the same way many people support Palestine. The ideology and political practice are very far from anarchism, but there are a lot of people from the region whose lives have been immeasurably improved by the lack of the Assad regime/ISIS.

The regional context is very different so a lot of my criticism has to do with specific things there, and don’t necessarily transfer easily to projects back home. So I have a lot of broad critiques linked to the system there, as I would any state-like structure, as well as more specific ones that would take a lot of time to explain their contexts.

From the defense of Kobane and Shengal to the establishment of the SDF and offensives on Raqqa and Deir-Ez-Zour, the character of the conflict in Rojava changed over the years. Do you think this influenced a shift in revolutionary work or outlook?

Yes. There’s a good interview on the Final Straw podcast with a Kurdish anarchist who discusses the change as the conflict there went from defensive to offensive. It’s worth listening to; I’ll link it at the bottom. That being said, I was there during Dera Zor. Other than the panic that took place about the Turkish invasion, which had a very negative effect since civil work was widely disrupted, I didn’t really see that much change. I’d imagine that now things are changing once again, with the rampant crop burning by ISIS and frequent bombings.

What do you see as the significance of having an anarchist structure in Rojava?

I believe in the importance of ideological diversity. Having structures that are ideologically different than the Kurdish movement is important in upholding this.

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Violent clashes between the Kurdish forces and the Turkey-backed factions in areas at Marea city north of Aleppo

31/07/2019

Aleppo Province, the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights: the Syrian Observatory monitored violent clashes with light and medium weapons; between the Kurdish forces who are positioned in the towns of Harbal and Sheikh Issa against the Turkey-loyal factions located southwest of Marea city in the northern countryside of Aleppo this evening, but no information about casualties.

The Syrian Observatory published yesterday that the Syrian Observatory monitored the renew of clashes in areas in Aleppo countryside, between the Turkey-loyal factions against the Kurdish Forces who are spread in the area, where the clashes were concentrated after midnight of yesterday in areas of Mar’anaz and Daghlabash in the northern and northeastern countryside of Aleppo, amid confirmed information about casualties in the ranks of both parties, and the Syrian Observatory published on the 20th of July 2019 that the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights monitored missile shelling carried out by the Turkish forces and their loyal factions, targeted areas controlled by the Kurdish Forces in Tal Rifaat and Its outskirts in the northern countryside of Aleppo, but no information about casualties, and the Syrian Observatory published on the 15th of July 2019 that the Turkish forces and pro-Government factions continue shelling areas controlled by the Kurdish forces north of Aleppo, where the Syrian Observatory monitored by pictures the continuation of shelling on places in Ain Daqneh, Menagh, outskirts of Tal Rifaat, Tal Madiq, and Jame’e Om al-Qura since this morning, while the Kurdish forces launched rocket shells on areas controlled by pro-Turkish factions north of Aleppo, and in the same context, the regime forces shelled Hayyan town by artillery shells in the same countryside, but no information yet casualties, and the Syrian Observatory published on the evening of yesterday that the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights monitored rocket shelling today evening, carried out by the Turkish forces targeting areas in the villages of Tal Madiq, Bailuniyyah and Sheikh Issa in the northern countryside of Aleppo province which is under the control of the Kurdish forces, without information about casualties, and the SOHR published on the 6th of July 2019, that violent clashes in the area of Maraanaz north of Aleppo, between the pro-Turkey factions against the Kurdish forces deployed in the area, amid exchange of shelling by mortar shells, and no information about casualties was reported so far, where these clashes come hours after targeting by the Turkish forces to the Kurdish forces-held positions, where the SOHR published on the 6th of July 2019, that the Turkish forces carried out rocket shelling on areas in Al-Malikiyah village which is under the control of the Kurdish forces in the northern countryside of Aleppo, without information about casualties so far.

And the Syrian Observatory published on the 2nd of July 2019 that the Syrian Observatory monitored artillery shelling carried out by the Turkish forces targeted areas in the villages of Mar’anaz and Malkiyyeh, which are controlled by YPG in the northern countryside of Aleppo, but no information about casualties. and the Syrian Observatory published on the 26th of June 2019 that at least one Turkish soldier was killed and more than 3 other soldiers were injured, as a result of rocket shelling carried out by the Kurdish Forces at the Turkish base in Kimar village near al-Basutah in the northern Countryside of Aleppo, followed by a sweep for the perimeter of the area by the Turkish forces with heavy machine guns, and the Syrian Observatory published on the 9th of June 2019 that the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights documented the death of a Turkish soldier and the injury of 7 others as a result of rocket shelling whose source is the Kurdish Units which targeted one of the posts of the Turkish army in the vicinity of Tel Rifaat city in the northern countryside of Aleppo, and the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights monitored rocket shelling by the Turkish forces on areas where the Kurdish force are deployed in the areas of Tel Rifaat, Sheikh Issa and Menagh Military Airbase within the northern sector of Aleppo countryside, amid clashes took place between pro-Turkey factions against the Kurdish forces, in the area of Tways near Mare’ town north of Aleppo, and no information was reported so far.

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The Lebanese writer Hanna Saleh said that Turkey has two goals close and far from the occupation of the north and east of Syria first is to “crush the Kurds” on the pretext of protecting the Turkish national security, and the farthest goal of the Turkish hand on the Syrian wealth of oil and gas and water, so that Ankara has the lion’s share in any settlement of the Syrian issue an inevitable settlement.

NEWS 01 Aug 2019, Thu – 12:01 2019-08-01T12:01:00 NEWS DESK

Lebanese writer Hanna Saleh said in an article published today in the newspaper al-Sharq Al-Awsat that the saying: “The Good Red Indian is the Red Indian Red” is a well-known saying. Golda Meir quoted her famous phrase: “The Good Palestinian is the Dead Palestinian.” Yitzhak Rabin, when he ordered the arrogance of the occupying Zionist army to break the ribs of the children of the stone revolution in occupied Palestine. But Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan outperformed everyone in targeting the Syrian Kurds, saying: “Either they are buried under the dust or accept humiliation!”

He added that the new Ottoman leader, Bassem Qasim Soleimani, who was exposing for the shedding of Syrian blood, seeking to re-establish his leadership over Syria and its people, not just the Kurds. He also revealed the Turkish targets, which were buried in Syria and at the expense of the Syrians, Under the pretext of maintaining Turkish national security, and in this particular situation, after the resounding defeat in Istanbul, seeks to achieve “achievement” on the way to achieve Turkish ambitions, and to distract the attention of its citizens, the introduction of new elements on the agenda of the concerns of the Turkish citizen.

Since the year 2016, after the light of the Russian green, was the process of «Shield Euphrates»; where the Turkish control of a large area of the north of Syria, from Jarablous to al-Bab and Azaz… Etc., Ankara begun, which highlighted in top priorities to divide the Kurdish region and dispersing the Kurds far away from its border, open old files, and talk about documents confirming its right to extend its control over 15 villages in the province of Aleppo bordering the border. It was clear by occupying Jarablous and Manbij two cities, where Turkey started Turkification policy and arbitrated the forces of «political Islam», and linked them to the Turkish administration functionally and financially and educationally, adopting the Turkish curriculum, replaced the Turkish language instead of the French

“After the Operation Olive Branch in 2018, the tightening of control over Afrin, and the beginning of a demographic change by displacing some 150,000 of its Kurdish people in particular, and settling displacement people from al-Ghouta instead of the indigenous people, who are supporting of the Turkish army’s factions, Erdogan declared that «Turkish national security requires control over large parts of all areas of Syria – Iraq adjacent to Turkey»! After giving the path of Astana to Turkey the upper hand in the province of Idlib, which was classified as “De-escalation”, Ankara began to build a concrete wall that simulates the Zionist wall in occupied Palestine, to isolate Afrin from the geographical perimeter, to link more with Turkey, and threatened to extend its military operations to include Manbij and east of the Euphrates to Ain Arab – Kobani, Tel-Abyed and Ras al-Ain, and up to Qamishli, and the stated goal to remove the Kurds.

“Turkey has put its hand on the Syrian food basket, and in the manner of the Iranian settlement occupation, it has pushed to make demographic changes, and the operations of Turkification have expanded in the Kurdish areas. Afrin has become without its inhabitants. The movement of any Syrian citizen in the areas of the Turkish occupation requires permission from the Turkish ruler in Kalis or with the American decision to withdraw from the east of the Euphrates, the Turkish ambitions moved to crush the Kurdish movement under the pretext of protecting Turkey’s national security and the longer-term objective of putting the Turkish hand on Syria’s oil, gas and water so that Ankara would have the lion’s share in any settlement of the issue. Syria, which is coming inevitably settlement, and this era unfold dictatorial regime, which recorded an unprecedented event not seen once any country in the world, eradicating his people and the deportation of about half of the Syrians from their homes, and to facilitate the naturalization and resettlement the people.

The truth is that no one has discussed how a country can impose its imperial ambitions on another country, by insisting on the creation of a large pocket that it controls in a neighboring country.” The Turkish presidency has put its ambitions on the Russians and the Americans, despite different interests and Russian and American perspectives, the outcome is similar.

Moscow withdrew from Adana Agreement of 1998, which gives Turkey the right to hunt down elements of the “PKK” about 5 kilometers in Syrian territory, provided political normalization with the Syrian regime, according to the text of the Convention. In fact, there is today a security normalization between Ankara and Damascus. Turkey has not found its way to Russia, which seeks to draw the boundaries of the roles and influence of its partners in the Astana process, despite Russian concerns over the US-Turkish dialogues. Since then Ankara has been negotiating with the Americans, and the Turkish address is to control a 30-35 km deep area east of the Euphrates, about one-third of the area of this region, to exceed Turkish control of 20 per cent of the total Syrian territory, and that the “Syrian Democratic Forces” should be removed after the dismantling of the backbone of these forces «People’s Protection Units», the Kurdish power sought by Ankara

The Turkish response was not delayed, said Foreign Minister Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu: «US proposals on the buffer zone is not satisfactory to Turkey», threatening that «the patience of his country ran out»! But the striking part of Erdogan’s positions, recalling some of the Nazis’ ideas in 1939, when Hitler blew up the borders of neighboring Germany, the Turkish president declared that his country would “bury under the dust those who seek to create a terrorist corridor on its borders, regardless of the outcome of the talks with the Americans”! And began to alert on both sides of the border and finger on the trigger!

In the last 20 summit, President Trump said: “Erdogan wants to eradicate the Kurds, and asked him not to do (…). Imagine, some 75 years after the end of Nazism, and after 70 years of Zionist terrorism, which did not achieve security for Israel, there is a president of state did not care and facilitate the game of blood!

(T/S)

ANHA

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British revolutionaries in Syria say they will defy Home Office’s new terrorism laws

Dozens of Britons like Theo Stevens (pseudonym) have been drawn to the autonomous Kurdish region, known as Rojava Credit: The Telegraph/ Sam Tarlin

Josie Ensor, Northeast Syria

A group of self-styled British revolutionaries who travelled to Syria to help build a democratic society in the Kurdish north say they will defy new Government legislation which would see them prosecuted on terrorism charges.

The Home Office revealed in May that it planned to designate northern Syria a “no-go area” and that British citizens would have 28 days to leave or face a 10-year prison sentence if they attempt to return to the UK.

It said the law was aimed at tackling terrorism, but the volunteers accuse the Government of failing to distinguish between Britons in the jihadist enclave of Idlib, in Syria’s northwest, and those working in the northeast alongside Kurdish groups that helped defeat Islamic State (Isil).

The law would mean just travelling to or remaining in the northeast would be considered a terrorist act, despite the UK partnering with the Kurds in the coalition against the jihadist group.

Dozens of Britons have been drawn to the autonomous region, known as Rojava: some to fight with the People’s Protection Units (YPG and YPJ) against Isil, while others were attracted by their Marxist-inspired democratic, feminist, anti-capitalist project.

The volunteers have drawn comparisons to the International Brigades, the foreign fighters who travelled to Spain to battle Franco’s fascists in the 1930s and were made famous by author George Orwell.

More than 10 Britons are currently undertaking voluntary work on ecological and community projects as well as medical and media outreach.

The Telegraph last month spoke to three of them in the town of Derik on the border with Iraq, where they said they should not be criminalised simply for travelling to a warzone.

“On the one hand, (the Home Office) talks about the UK’s need for international co-operation with the Kurds in fighting terrorism. And on the other, it is punishing those of us who come here to do just that,” said Matt Broomfield, 25, from Shropshire, who left the UK more than a year ago after working in media.

Mr Broomfield has supported local media projects to help get news from the region out to an international audience, as well as writing articles for the British press.

“It’s a ham-fisted attempt to prosecute jihadists under a catch-all law after previous laws proved inadequate,” said Mr Broomfield, referring to the fact that only one in 10 returning Isil fighters have been prosecuted upon return to the UK.

The legislation was announced by new Home Secretary Priti Patel’s predecessor Sajid Javid, but, the Telegraph understands, she will support it.

It is not clear when the 28-day grace period will begin, but it will mark the first use of new powers given to the home secretary in the Counter-Terrorism and Border Security Act, which became law in February.

“I won’t be leaving, regardless of the Government’s draconian actions, as I consider their threats toward those in northeast Syria illegitimate and worthy of resistance,” Mr Broomfield told the Telegraph.

“Yes of course we’re very worried – less for ourselves than for what this means for northeast Syria’s status in the future and the future of international solidarity with Rojava.”

The Kurds have forged something of a proto-state under the cover of the Syrian civil war, inspired by the revolutionary socialism of Abdullah Ocalan, a Kurdish leader jailed in Turkey whose group is branded a terrorist organisation by the US.

However, their experiment in self-rule has faced threats from Turkey to the north and Syrian government forces to the west and south, as well as a more immediate threat from Isil sleeper cells hiding among them.

Some have accused the volunteers of adventurism and naivety, accusations those here dismiss.

“I’m not just here trying to get arrested, I want to be part of important revolutionary change,” said Theo Stevens, 29, who has been volunteering at the Internationalist Commune of Rojava, a civil society organisation, since arriving in the country five months ago. “Isil may have been defeated territorially, but there’s a lot more work that needs doing than fighting.

“When I heard about the new law I thought about it for 30 seconds before deciding I couldn’t just abandon all we’ve done here,” Miss Stevens, who had been involved in Bristol’s anarchist and Leftist movements before moving to Syria, said, using a pseudonym.

She said her family has a history of participating in revolutionary struggles. Her great-uncle fought in the Spanish Civil War and went on to write the well-known memoir, A Shallow Grave.

“My mum isn’t too worried about the new law, she trusts my decision. She met others in the community at Anna’s memorial and got to see how strong it is,” she adds, referring to Anna Campbell, from East Sussex, who was killed during the Kurds’ battle against the Turkish army and Turkey-backed rebel forces in the northern Syrian city of Afrin last year.

Anna had been a friend of Miss Stevens’ back home, who had encouraged her to come to Rojava before she died.

Eight Britons died fighting in Syria alongside the Kurdish YPG, including Anna, and Jac Holmes from Dorset, who stepped on a mine the day after helping liberate Isil’s “capital” Raqqa.

Another volunteer, Lizzie Irvine, from southeast Scotland, said she thought the Home Office’s decision would discourage other Britons from joining them, which she said was a “shame”.

Miss Irvine, 30, has been working in an all-female commune housing widows and Yazidis rescued from Isil for the last six months.

“Something beautiful is growing in an ugly part of the world and I feel a duty to help that flourish,” she said. “Britain shouldn’t be criminalising people like us.”

Mr Broomfield said the volunteers were planning to raise their concerns in Parliament via an Early Day Motion. However, he said he was also prepared to fight his case in court should the Government decide to prosecute him.

“The Britons who joined the Kurds went to fight Isil under the RAF in a coalition of which the UK was a part,” Labour MP Lloyd Russell Moyle, who visited Rojava last year, told the Telegraph. “Those still with the Kurds are participating in pluralistic, democratic and feminist social revolution in the heart of a region gripped by authoritarianism and sectarianism.

“This is a lazy law that will cause more harm than good. Locking up returning NGO workers and volunteers is absurd, antithetical to our values and a blow to development in the Middle East.”

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Building Autonomy Through Ecology in Rojava

This article first appeared on Unicorn Riot, 28 February, 2018.

Rojava – After almost seven years since the war in Syria began, battles between Kurdish-led democratic forces (SDF/YPG/YPJ) and Daesh (IS) have left the Islamic State nearly defeated throghout the region. When Rojava was liberated from direct Syrian government control in summer 2012, this set off a political revolution towards a self-organized democratic society across the northern regions of the country. On March 17th, 2016, 151 delegates from various northern regions of the Syrian state, including Rojava, proclaimed autonomy through the creation of the ‘Federation of Northern Syria–Rojava’. In recent weeks, NATO member state Turkey has attacked the Kurdish-controlled Afrin Canton (and the city named after the region) in an attempt to crush the growing revolution. Meanwhile, to the east, revolutionary forces throughout Rojava continue building an autonomous democratic society.

“With this war, the fascist Turkish state wants to break the revolution in Rojava because it can not live next to a society that builds on women’s liberation, real democracy and an ecological and communal economy.” – Internationalist Commune of Rojava

Before years of war devastated northern Syria, decades of capitalist exploitation by the Syrian state created the ecological disaster the people of Rojava face today. Through wheat monoculture, oil extraction, and neglect of waste management planning, the Syrian state has left the region with growing ecological problems. Simultaneously, the Turkish government has been expanding dam projects along rivers running south into northern Syria for decades, turning rivers into dust and making it harder for people to grow food and be self-sustainable. Turkey also built massive walls along its border, carving miles of scars through the region’s ancient forests. After decades of destructive colonial policies and war, the Internationalist Commune of Rojava, in cooperation with the Ecology Committee of the Cizire Canton, has begun taking direct action to protect the region’s autonomy. Out of the rubble of war-torn cities, the people of Rojava launched an ecological campaign to develop solutions to these problems and, as their campaign slogan proclaims, “Make Rojava Green Again”.

The ecological campaign is addressing issues related to cultivation of food, reforesting large swaths of land, providing alternative forms of electricity, limiting fossil fuel usage, preserving the water supply, and even developing waste management solutions. Many of the local committee members are young adults who consider themselves responsible for building a more just social and economic system that functions in balance with the natural world. The women’s liberation movement in Rojava also plays an important role in operating ecological pilot projects, such as agricultural cooperatives. The Internationalist Commune is made up of individuals from around the world who have traveled to Rojava to support the revolution with their expertise, ideas, and labor. Internationals organizing with local communities in Rojava are working to support ecological projects, expand awareness, and build a healthy future across the region. The campaign is still very new and much work still lies ahead.

Developing urban agriculture is one tier in the ecological campaign to expand food security and autonomy in Rojava. Monocultures, the act of growing a single crop, has long been common policy supported by the Assad government, which has controlled Syria since 1971. Decades of monoculture resulted in the loss of ecological diversity across the region, and the use of artificially supplied water and chemical fertilizers has degraded the soil and made cultivation of food impossible in some areas. In Afrin, for example, the regime cut down ancient forests to grow monocultures of olive trees, degrading topsoil. The Internationalist Commune plans to create rooftop gardens and plant on undeveloped land within cities, which will further decentralize agriculture across Rojava. The return to traditional organic fertilizer-based agriculture is also a solution being put into practice by the Internationalist Commune.

“A person alienated from nature is alienated from and is destroying himself, and no system has shown this connection more clearly than capitalist modernity.” – Internationalist Commune of Rojava

Over the last few decades, many wildlife and plant species in the region have been displaced by deforestation and monoculture practices. Many wolves, foxes, wild pigs, and birds found refuge in the Hayaka forest, one of the last forests near Derik in Cizire. In 2014, the democratic self-administration of Rojava declared the Hayaka forest a natural reserve in order to preserve the biodiversity of the region. Hunting, fishing, construction of buildings, and agriculture are prohibited within the reserve. Since then, the development of non-profit cooperative tree nurseries has become an essential part of the ecological strategy to maintain autonomy in Rojava. Through the tree cooperative, internationalists will contribute their labor into reforesting Hayaka by planting 100,000 trees throughout the reserve, which will also improve local air quality. In the Spring of 2018, the Internationalist Commune will also plant 50,000 shoots of fruit trees that will produce pomegranate, grapes, pistachios, apricots, cherries, apples, pears, and olives. The commune will also plant wheat and cotton on the plains, establish beekeeping, and plant a variety of herbs accessible for medical research and use.

Lack of access to clean water, and conflict over water sources, represent major factors in growing crises around the world. In Rojava, access to sustainable sources of water is yet another ecological issue the Internationalist Commune is working to overcome. The supply of clean drinking water mostly comes from springs and lakes. Climate change has contributed to the problem by shortening the rainy season across the region, which has decreased the amount of rainfall and significantly lowered groundwater levels. In the last two decades alone, precipitation in some areas has dropped 10-15%. Today, wells must be dug an estimated 50 meters deeper to access clean water. At the same time, Turkey has built dams upstream along the Euphrates and Xabur tributary, actively restricting the flow of water south into Rojava. In regions held by the Islamic State, Daesh has further compounded the problem of water scarcity by blocking off access to springs and wells. This lack of water has contributed to soil erosion and the dying off of once-thriving forests along river banks and lakes. Some of the remaining sources of water have also been left heavily contaminated after years of war across the region.

Across the region, access to water for drinking and agriculture has been slowly reduced for decades, due to monoculture and the building of dams. In an effort to promote sustainable use of water for growing crops, the Agricultural Protection Committee has registered all water wells and prohibited further expansion of wells for agriculture. In addition, the committee has limited the planting of crops requiring irrigation to 60%. Plans have also been implemented to begin using greywater (water from showers, the kitchen, etc) and blackwater (from toilets) for organic fertilization of agriculture. Human waste is the largest source of nutrients available to improve the soil and increase agriculture from organic waste across the region (after long composting). Much of the research, and technical implementation, for various uses of recycled water are ongoing at the International Academy.

Like most places around the world today, Rojava is still dependent on fossil fuels to drive vehicles, transport goods, and generate heat within stoves. Burning gasoline and diesel is the main source of air pollution in the region, especially in larger cities. The Internationalist Commune is currently developing plans to expand public transportation as a method to minimize this impact on the health of locals and environment. In addition, the ecological campaign is planting trees by thousands to help improve urban air quality.

“Instead of tackling the cause of the destruction of nature, capitalism itself, the symptoms are treated instead.” – Internationalist Commune of Rojava

The supply of electrical power to many regions of Rojava is a primary hurdle in sustaining autonomous self-governance. Rojava currently derives electricity from three primary sources: hydro-electric power plants, natural gas, and diesel generators. Much of the electrical infrastructure, such as power lines and substations, has been destroyed after years of war across the region. Currently, the Internationalist Commune, with strong support from the Ministry of Energy, is developing plans to create a more decentralized and sustainable infrastructure. Currently, the development of the first wind power pilot project in Rojava has begun, which will serve as a working example for communities throughout the region. Volunteers are also working to create decentralized solar solutions, using photovoltaic technology, which will provide alternative sources of power and water heating systems.

The Internationalist Commune believes this will reduce community dependency on both centralized electricity grids and fossil fuels. The Internationalist Commune in Rojava is simultaneously moving forward on plans for managing organic (food, paper, etc) and non-organic waste (plastic, metal, etc). Methods are being developed to sort, separate, and store all types of waste instead of burning or burying the waste, which causes air pollution and contamination of ground water. Organic waste is cleaned and stored for composting, and plans are underway to recycle all non-organic waste. Hazardous waste is stored far away from water sources to avoid contamination.

“The connections between the market economy, exploitation, destruction of nature, war and migration show what the result is when centralist and hierarchical systems try to subjugate nature” – Internationalist Commune of Rojava

Such a massive ecological overhaul within Rojava will not be accomplished overnight. One essential pillar in maintaining self-governance throughout the region is community education. Success for an ecological revolution in Rojava will come from sharing concrete experiences and skills at all levels of society. The Internationalist Academy will be the center of this effort and will train individuals in the principles of self-organization, women’s liberation, ecology, language, and culture. Students at the academy will participate in lectures and discussions at youth centers, municipalities, schools, and other institutions, to further develop what an ecological society in Rojava can look like and how to build it. International volunteers skilled in sanitation, renewable energy, mechanical and electrical engineering, and even physicists, chemists, and biologists continue to travel to Rojava to assist the construction of an autonomous ecological society. The academy hopes to build awareness throughout the region to “overcome the ecological and social crisis” which they see is “brought about by capitalist modernity”, and promotes the destruction of nature and humanity.

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KCK: All humanity should embrace the Rojava Revolution

“Rojava Revolution and the martyrs of North Syrian peoples will be the essence of the Middle East’s democratic revolution, and the Middle Eastern peoples’ struggle for a free and democratic existence will definitively succeed.”

ANF
BEHDINAN
Thursday, 18 Jul 2019, 12:44

The Executive Council Co-presidency of Kurdistan Communities Union (KCK) released a statement marking the 7th anniversary of the Rojava Revolution.

KCK vowed that they as the Kurdish Freedom Movement will always claim and stand by the Rojava revolution that has been achieved through Leader Apo’s (Abdullah Öcalan’s) paradigm for women’s liberation and a democratic ecological society.

The statement by KCK Executive Council Co-presidency said the following;

“We are entering the 8th year of the Rojava Revolution that initiated a democratization process for the peoples of the Middle East. We congratulate the people of Rojava (West) Kurdistan that have realized this revolution, we remember with gratitude and respect the martyrs who played the main role in the realization and defense of this revolution, and wish the veterans success in their future life.

With the 19 July 2012 revolution they realized in Rojava, the Kurdish people have proved to be the leading revolutionary democratic folk of the Middle East. The Rojava revolution becoming a Syrian and the Middle Eastern revolution with the participation of all Syrian peoples -Arabs and Syriacs being in the first place- has created a hope for all peoples. Achieving the fraternity of peoples and beliefs in the Middle East, that had long been made into enemies against one another, has been a mental revolution. Thus, Leader Apo has been proven to be the revolutionary leader of not only the Kurdish people but of all the Middle Eastern peoples.

The democratic autonomous system that has been built through the democratic collective organization of peoples in Northeast Syria, has become a model serving the democratization of the Middle East. As a democratic nation, Arabs, Kurds, Syriacs, Armenians, Durzis, Chechens and Turkmens have defeated ISIS and al-Nusra that have been backed by the AKP-MHP fascist government. The defeat of ISIS through the power of democratic nation and democratic society has shown how a free and democratic way of living could be achieved through a social and political system. In this way, the peoples have seen the way to overcome the deadlock and agony experienced in the Middle East.

By defeating ISIS, the peoples of Northeast Syria have not only defeated a despotic force in the Middle East, but they also neutralized a proxy organization that bears animosity against all of humanity. As a result of the attacks by the forces hostile to democracy and freedom during the past 7 years, the peoples of North Syria have given over 10 thousand martyrs and more than 20 thousand veterans. The martyrdom of hundreds of internationalist democratic revolutionaries from all around the world -socialists being in the first place- has shaped the character of this revolution. The democratic revolution of northern Syrian peoples has at the same time become the democratic revolution of all peoples on the world. This reality manifests the fact that this revolution possesses an invincible spirit.

The success of northern Syrian peoples’ democratic revolution is the success of the experience created by the democratic revolution led by the Kurds and Middle Eastern peoples for dozens of years. Its permanence shall be achieved by the democratic revolution power of all the Kurdish people and Middle Eastern peoples. Without a doubt, the democratic revolution in northern Syria has exposed the fact that freedom shall be achieved not through peoples’ struggle aiming to found a state, but through a democratic confederal structuring that is based on the fraternity of peoples. The comprehension of the fact that founding a state and a centralist statist mentality would not bring freedom and democracy for peoples, has also been a great gain for the peoples of the Middle East. The power of the autonomous system established by northern Syrian peoples, and its ability to counter any and all attacks, takes its source from this mindset and structuring. From this point of view, it is vital to deepen the democratic revolution in northern Syria by basing on an organized and democratic society.

The democratic autonomous system founded by the peoples in north-eastern Syria is an oasis of freedom and democracy for all the Middle Eastern peoples, it is the breath of peace and fraternity. In this respect, Arabs, Turks, Persians, Azeris, Armenians, Syriacs and all peoples, and all faiths, should protect this oasis of freedom as an attack against it would be an attack against all peoples’ desire for freedom and democracy.

This revolution should be claimed by not only the peoples and democratic forces in the Middle East, but by all democratic forces all around the world. Solidarity should be shown with this revolution against any kind of attack.

As the Kurdish Freedom Movement, we will always claim and stand by the Rojava revolution that has been achieved through Leader Apo’s paradigm for women’s liberation and a democratic ecological society. Our people in all parts of Kurdistan should also embrace this revolution and turn the prices paid and misery suffered by the Kurdish people for a hundred years into a joy of free and democratic living.

Rojava Revolution and the martyrs of North Syrian peoples will be the essence of the Middle East’s democratic revolution, and the Middle Eastern peoples’ struggle for a free and democratic existence will definitively succeed.”

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SDF Commander: If Turkey attacks, a great war will break out

SDF Commander General Mazlum Ebdi said, “If the Turkish army attacks anywhere, it will turn into a great war.”

ANF
NEWS DESK
Friday, 19 Jul 2019, 16:00

Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) Commander General Mazlum Ebdi spoke to Yeni Özgur Politika newspaper and said, “If the Turkish army attacks anywhere, it will turn into a great war. We have let everybody know. Turkey knows this, so do the US and France.”

Ebdi mentioned the July 19 Revolution and said: “From now on, we will be working to protect this path, complete the construction process and to achieve a democratic solution based on equal rights among peoples within the unity of Syria.”

THE SITUATION AT THE BORDER

Ebdi spoke about the border line: “Turkey has stockpiled a significant amount of forces and weapons at the border. And I will add this, so have we. Tensions are high. This allows for provocations. Any mistake can spark a flame.”

When asked whether they were expecting any attacks, Ebdi said:

“Eastern Euphrates and Afrin are not similar. These are two separate areas. It is not possible to repeat here what happened in Afrin. We won’t let that.

We made a strategic decision during the Afrin process. We didn’t want this war to spread. We wanted to keep the Afrin battle contained in Afrin, and it was contained. For us, Eastern Euphrates will not be like that. If the Turkish army attacks anywhere, it will turn into a great war.”

“IF WE ARE ATTACKED”

Ebdi clarified his “great war” comments:

“For instance, if Turkey attacks Gire Spi, the battle front will be from Derik to Manbij. This is our decision. We have let everybody know. Turkey knows this, so do the US and France. If there is an attack against us, the 600 km border will turn into a battlefront. That would mean a second civil war period in Syria.

Turkey’s strategy is to come take Gire Spi and Kobane, then stop. But if there are any attacks, the war will continue until Turkey withdraws.”

THE US’ STANCE

SDF Commander General spoke about the US’ stance on the matter:

“We have an alliance with the US to fight against ISIS, which currently happens in Deir ez-Zor and Raqqa areas. If Turkey attacks us, YPG forces within the SDF will withdraw. Then, the fight against ISIS will stop. In fact, ISIS would recuperate. If we leave, the regime will enter the area to fill the void. Our joint efforts with the US and the coalition will be damaged.

The US does not want that. There are 73 states in the coalition. None of them want to see this cooperation fail. This is an international matter. As such, there is serious pressure on Turkey. This was not the case for Afrin.

The US’s position to avoid a war is positive. There are ongoing diplomatic efforts, they are pressuring Turkey to prevent an uncontrollable war. The US Secretary of Defense, Chief of Staff, Secretary of State have all spoken with their counterparts in Turkey.

It is not a matter of trust, that is the US’s problem. We have determined our stance and made our preparations. We will fight. Eastern Euphrates won’t be like Afrin.”

BUFFER ZONE

Ebdi spoke about the discussions on a buffer zone:

“In 2018 Erdogan said they finalized the preparations and would launch an operation to the east of the Euphrates. In 7 years, there have been no attacks against Turkey from our side. Our very presence is what they have a problem with. Look, we have been at war for the last 7 years. We don’t want a new, huge war. If there is war, it will be big. There won’t be a truce. We asked our allies to go discuss the matter. We asked US Special Envoy James Jeffrey to mediate. He said he would be happy to. That was how the process started. At first this wasn’t a project. We stated that we would not attack, that there was no threat from us. In the end the process continued.

Erdogan and Trump had a phone call where the Safe Zone project emerged. We as the SDF prepared our own proposal and submitted it to the US. Our project was very reasonable.

“LOCAL FORCES SHOULD GOVERN”

This is an issue of borders. Turkey wants a 30 km deep safe zone. We argue it could be 5 km deep. We accept a 5 km deep safe zone. We could withdraw the YPG forces from that area. We would have local forces to take their place.”

Ebdi said by local forces he means people from Kobane, Serekaniye, Qamishlo and Gire Spi: “We could also remove heavy weapons and weapons with a range to reach Turkey from this 5 km area. Some of our weapons have a 20 km range. We can pull these out of range as well. If these are ‘threats’, we are willing to remove that threat. Turkey says outsiders are governing the area. So we say, alright, let’s have locals govern. That would solve the issue.”

“A NEUTRAL FORCE SHOULD PATROL”

SDF Commander General said Turkey must commit to not attack: “We want an international force to patrol the area. It could be the Coalition or another force. Turkey is not neutral, we want a neutral force.”

“THEY MUST LEAVE AFRIN”

“We have accepted Turkish soldiers to be part of the patrols for now, on condition,” said Ebdi: “We want all people of Afrin, without exceptions, to return to their lands. Their gangs must leave Afrin. The confiscated goods and property must be returned to the people of Afrin. People brought from elsewhere to be settled in Afrin must be removed. All these must happen under guarantee of international powers, and control of the Council of Afrin. If this happens, as a gesture of good will Turkish soldiers could be part of the patrols.”

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Social media campaign to celebrate the Rojava Revolution

To celebrate the 7th anniversary of The Rojava Revolution, the global RISEUP FOR ROJAVA network called for a social media campaign on 19 July.

ANF
NEWS DESK
Monday, 15 Jul 2019, 07:44

In a few days is 19 July. It will be the 7th anniversary of the Rojava Revolution.

To draw attention to this historic day, the global RISEUP FOR ROJAVA network call for a social media campaign to celebrate 19 July and the Revolution.

The Riseup for Rojava in a statement invites people around the world to “share your congratulations with the people of Rojava via video & image and make clear what the Rojava Revolution means to you and why it has to be defended.”

The appointment is on 19 July at 6 CEST. The hashtags will be #pirozbe and #riseup4rojava and the messages will be posted on Twitter & Facebook.

The stament recalls that “on 19 July 2012, the revolution started in Kobane and quickly spread to the Kurdish cities of Afrin, Qamishlo and Derik.

Seven years in which history was written. Seven years in which the lives of millions of people change radically. Seven years in which hundreds of thousands of women have organized and liberated themselves, thousands of communes and innumerable cooperatives have been founded.”

The statement added: “What began then in Kobane has become a major struggle against the fascism of our time and for the liberation of women and society. The division policy of the Syrian regime has been overcome. Today, 80% of YPG and YPJ fighters are Arabs. Hundreds of thousands of Kurdish, Arab, Assyrian and Turkmen children learn their mother tongue, a new historiography and Jineoloji, the science from the point of view of women. The children of the revolution are a living symbol of this new life. Freedom has burned itself into the collective memory of society.”

The statement continued: “The revolution is still full of contradictions and energy. Seven years in which the societies of Kurdistan, northern and eastern Syria did rise up and progressed day by day.

Seven years in which a heavy war raged and Rojava was attacked by all sides. Seven years in which resistance has been present every second and moment. The war began in September 2012 as gangs of Al-Nusra attacked the city of Serikaniye, followed by the attack by DAESH on Kobane, the last minute defense of the attack and the complete liberation of Kobane was the beginning of the end of the so-called caliphate. DAESH has found its end in Kobane’s resistance. With the resistance of Kobane, Rojava has become a symbol of hope worldwide.”

The statement added: “Kobane, Gire Spî, Til Temir, Til Hamis, Heseke, Al Hol, Minbic, Shaddadi, Tabbqa, Raqqa, Deir-a Zor, Afrin. The People’s and Women’s Defense Units (YPG / YPJ) and the democratic forces of Syria have defended free life over the past six years, freeing millions of people from the IS’s slavery and defending them against Turkish fascism.”

Riseup For Rojava continude: “On 19 March this year, ISIS was finally defeated in Baghouz. In the fight against the last positions of ISIS Revolutionary and Italian internationalist Lorenzo Orsetti (Tekoşer Piling) fell on the penultimate day of the operation. A painful death so close to the military end of the ISIS in north Eastern Syria. Lorenzo reminds us of hundreds, of thousands of revolutionaries who have fallen in the fight for the free life in the fight against the ISIS and the fascist NATO state Turkey. We are remembering every single fallen, remembering the days together, dances, discussions, difficulties and successes.”

“Can there be a more meaningful life?”

The statement ends by remembering all the martyrs of the Revolution. “The fallen are the value of this revolution. The fallen have made the revolution what it is today. Without them, there would be no more revolution, without them we would have nothing to celebrate on the 19 of July. They have made history with their determined attitude toward the universal values of socialism and their love for freedom and humanity! Lorenzo, Ivana Hoffmann, Anna Cambell, Legerin Ciya, Dilsoz Bahar and many other internationalists have become part of this story with their self-sacrifice. And it is our heritage to continue writing this story and to expand and defend the revolution.”

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French researcher: Liberated areas from IS must be recognized by international society

The French writer and researcher of political philosophy Patrice Franshiski explained that the world must go from political to human rights. He said: “The fundamental task of the international community at this stage is the political recognition and then the rights of the Autonomous Administration in the liberated areas form Daesh grip.”

POLITICS 09 Jul 2019, Tue – 10:35 2019-07-09T10:35:00 QAMISHLO- MURADA KINDA

The International Forum on Daesh was held in Bilsan Hall in Amouda district belonging to Qamishlo canton, with attendance hundreds of personalities to discuss the trial of Daesh mercenaries.

One of the participants in the forum is the French writer and political philosophy researcher Patrice Franshiski spoke to our agency, Hawar news agency (ANHA), talked about the subject of Daesh trial. He said: “Daesh was defeated in the area and must be tried.

Daesh trial must be the issue of the world and humanity’

Patrice Franshisk explained that the establishment of the Forum in this way to define the region is very important and said: “The forum discussed the status of the region in terms of geopolitical and in general, we must find a solution to Daesh problem, with attendance of prominent figures and foreign to this forum shows that the trial of Daesh is not a subject limited to SDF or the region only, but is it tied to all the world and humanity as a whole.”

He said that Daesh should be prosecuted in north and east of Syria and said: “Daesh was defeated in this region, and committed massacres and crimes against humanity in this region, all the documents and evidence of human rights violations exist here.”

Turkey, Iran and the Syrian regime are supporting Daesh mercenaries’ cells

Franshisk pointed out if Daesh defeated militarily that does not mean elimination in full, Deash mercenaries’ cells and its ideology still remain, and in order to strike at security and stability in the region, the Turkish and Iranian governments and the Syrian regime continue to support these cells, to be eradicated these cells, a new kind of struggle must be found, because the problem of this region is not only to find a solution to the trial of Daesh detainees ,but there is a danger of Turkish schemes and the Syrian regime also on this region, so must focus on the political and legal stage.

And concluded his speech saying “Even the violations committed in Afrin must be transferred to international courts and held accountable.”

ANHA

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600 civilians kidnapped in Afrin in one week

The Turkish state and its mercenary allies have kidnapped over 300 civilians in the occupied city of Afrin. The number of kidnapped civilians in the past week has reached 600.

ANF
NEWS DESK
Thursday, 4 Jul 2019, 09:47

According to the information received, Turkish soldiers and their mercenary allies have kidnapped over 300 civilians in the city in the last two days.

The invaders demand ransom from the families for the release of the kidnapped civilians.

At the beginning of July, at least 10 civilians were kidnapped in the Mabata district, while four civilians were reportedly abducted in the village of Gulikê the same day.

On 29 June it was reported that the occupiers have raided houses in the province of Mabeta. In these raids alone local sources reported that some 300 civilians, including children and women, were kidnapped.

Afrin is under the occupation of the Turkish state and its mercenary allies. The attacks against the city and region began on 20 January 2018 and the invasion of the city by land was carried out on 18 March.

Since the invasion, war crimes have been systematically committed in the region. The demographic structure of the region is being changed and crimes such as seizure of local people’s properties, kidnapping of civilians for ransom, torture or executions have been going on on a daily basis.

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Qamishlo Military Council founded

Military forces announced the establishment of a Military Council in Qamishlo

ANF

QAMISHLO
Thursday, 20 Jun 2019, 12:30

Qamishlo Military Forces declared the establishment of Qamishlo Military Council during a ceremony held in Martyr Delil Saruxan Cemetery of Martyrs.

The ceremony was attended by members of the Martyrs’ Families Institution, Military Forces, Autonomous Administration representatives, notables and civilian population.

Speaking here, Qamishlo Military Council Co-president Piling Qamişlo pointed out that the fight against ISIS has reached a new phase following the military defeat of the terrorist organization. Piling Qamişlo said that Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) have entered a new period of organization in such an important process.

Speaking about the duties of regional military councils, Piling Qamişlo stated that the basic mission of the councils was to protect the region against terrorist elements, to help the people and ensure their security.

Speaking after, Qamishlo Canton Co-president Talat Yunus wished the fighters success and expressed his belief that the achievements of the people would be protected in line with the promises they had made to the people and to the martyrs.

Noting that they aim for a democratic Syria, Yunus underlined the need for military councils to maintain the security of the region.

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Military forces in al-Tabqa area announced at a ceremony the formation of its military council, “Al-Taqba Military Council.”

NEWS19 Jun 2019, Wed – 17:312019-06-19T17:31:00 AL-TABQA

Dozens of military and security leaders attended the ceremony, elders and dignitaries from the region, the Democratic Civil Administration of al-Tabqa, the families of the martyrs as well as leaders of the International Coalition.

After standing for a minute of silence, the leader of Al-Tabqa Military Council Mohammed Raouf welcomed the attendees, pointing out the importance of forming the military council lies in uniting the ranks and opinions in facing the challenges and protect the borders and peoples from any threat to them until reaching a political solution in the region, especially after the military defeat by the Syrian Democratic Forces over Daesh.

Among the objectives of the council is to involve local leaders in the decision-making mechanism more effectively, activating the role of women through the offices representing the Women’s Protection Units, which had the most prominent role in liberating the region from the abomination of mercenaries, in addition to activating the institutional work within the council.

ANHA

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Rojava perestroika: Is the PYD really lifting its ban on political rivals?

By Rudaw 6/1/2019

A Syrian Kurdish woman holds a portrait of jailed Kurdish leader Abdullah Ocalan during a rally in Qamishli, northern Syria, January 2017. File photo: AFP

ERBIL, Kurdistan Region – Following US President Donald Trump’s decision to withdraw the 2,000 US troops currently stationed in northern Syria (Rojava), the Democratic Union Party (PYD)-led administration has said it will lift its ban on rival parties in the interests of Kurdish unity.

However, the Syrian Kurdish National Council (ENKS), which is backed by the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), is not convinced the PYD is genuinely opening up the Rojava administration.

Nouri Brimo, an ENKS spokesman, told KDP media that Saturday’s announcement by the PYD is “baseless” as the party “does not believe in political coexistence.”

The PYD and ENKS have long been fierce rivals.

“The PYD does not have faith in political life outside their ideology and 56 of our offices are closed in Western Kurdistan (Rojava) as per their decree,” Brimo said.

“Whenever the PYD starts believing in political coexistence and allowing Peshmerga to enter Western Kurdistan, then it will issues such a decree,” he added.

ENKS will only take the PYD’s statement seriously when the Rojava administration releases its political prisoners, “because hundreds of cadres and members of the ENKS leadership are in the PYD’s prisons,” Brimo said.

The Rojava administration released a statement on Saturday saying it will lift the ban on unregistered political parties in response to calls from the Kurdish National Council (KNC or KNK) – a pro-Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) group.

“The KNK has an initiative to form unity in Rojava because everyone knows that today is an historic and sensitive situation. Kurds are fighting for their existence. All Kurdish parties have to reach a consensus on all current internal and foreign issues. The KNK has requested our support for the initiative by lifting the ban on illegal parties as a goodwill gesture in order to realise the initiative,” the Rojava’s administration’s legal team said in its statement.

Jadan Ali, head of the ENKS office in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, welcomed the decision but expressed regret over the poor condition of ENKS-PYD relations.

“They have put us in a condition where Kurdish people do not have faith in our agreements [with the PYD]. They are the ruling party, therefore they have to return trust,” he said, adding that a decision is “useless as long as prisoners are not released.”

An ENKS delegation has arrived in the Kurdistan Region to meet with KDP leader Masoud Barzani to discuss the latest development in Syria and Rojava.

The enclave has entered a new period of uncertainty since Trump declared he intends to withdraw US forces, which have been assisting the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) in the fight against ISIS.

The withdrawal could leave Rojava vulnerable to a Turkish invasion similar to the 2018 Afrin operation. It could also push the Syrian Kurds into the arms of Bashar al-Assad and his Russian and Iranian backers.

Before Trump announced his planned withdrawal, the US had been trying to broker a détente between PYD- and KDP-backed groups – with minimal success.

[EDITOR’S NOTE: ENKS is allied to the Iraqi Kurdish Kurdistan Democratic Party, which is an ally of Turkey. Turkey has vowed to destroy Kurdish autonomy in Rojava, Draw your one conclusions]

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Turkey-backed Syrian rebels launch attack into Kurdish-held area

(4 May 2019)

BEIRUT/AMMAN (Reuters) – Turkey-backed Syrian rebels launched an offensive into territory held by the Kurdish YPG militia north of the Syrian city of Aleppo on Saturday, seizing some territory before heavy shelling forced them to retreat.

The operation marked an escalation on one of the most complicated theatres of the multi-sided Syrian war. Though the rebels are targeting the YPG, Syrian government forces are also deployed nearby as are their Russian and Iran-backed allies.

The Turkey-backed Syrian National Army took three villages before withdrawing “because of heavy shelling and the lack of an ability to sweep the area completely in the light of the targeting of our forces”, said Yousef Hammoud, its spokesman.

He said pro-Damascus forces had shelled the advancing National Army fighters.

The YPG, which has fought alongside U.S. forces against Islamic State in eastern and northeastern Syria, has lost ground in the northwest since early 2018, when Turkish forces and their Syrian allies drove it from the Afrin region.

A military source in the Afrin Liberation Forces, which is close to the YPG, told Reuters the Turkey-backed rebels had advanced into an area where the Kurdish forces had no presence before being forced out.

“Now, after strikes from our forces, the opposition forces were forced to withdraw from those positions,” the source said.

The National Army was formed with Turkish backing from a number of rebel Free Syrian Army groups. Its main foothold is a chunk of territory northeast of Aleppo known as Euphrates Shield that is secured with help from Turkish forces on the ground.

The FSA groups have long vowed to take the YPG-held territory north of Aleppo including the town of Tel Rifaat, taken by the Kurdish militia since 2016.

The Turkish defence ministry said one Turkish soldier was killed and another was wounded in a YPG attack in Tel Rifaat on Saturday.

Turkey views the YPG as an extension of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), which has waged an insurgency on Turkish soil for autonomy in Turkey’s largely Kurdish southeast since 1984. The PKK is deemed a terrorist organisation by Turkey, the United States and the European Union.

The YPG is the backbone of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), the main Syrian partner of the U.S.-backed coalition against Islamic State. The SDF controls northeastern and eastern Syria, approximately one quarter of the country.

Reporting by Suleiman al-Khalidi in Amman, Khalil Ashawi in Turkey and Rodi Said in Qamishli; Writing by Tom Perry.

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Repression against ecological campaign ‘Make Rojava Green Again’

‘Make Rojava Green Again’ Initiative condemned the repression against Danish activist Anne Dalum.

ANF
NEWS DESK
Thursday, 18 Apr 2019, 15:45

After the Danish secret service (PET) found out that Anne had planned to travel to Rojava (Northern Syria) to participate in the ecological projects of ‘Make Rojava Green Again’ her passport was taken away by Danish police. A court case to try and overturn this decision is now underway in Frederiksberg, Denmark.

In a statement about Anne Dalum’s case, the Initiative said the following;

“We see this action by the Danish state as part of a wider context of repression in general against activists supporting the democratic project in Rojava. In particular, international fighters of the self-defense forces YPG/YPJ returning to Europe are facing high repression. (i.e. in Italy, the UK, Denmark, Germany, Switzerland and Spain).. YPG/YPJ and the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) are the structures defending the people of Northern-Eastern Syria. They defeated the Islamic State and therefore saved not only the people of Rojava, but humanity as a whole. In this fight against fascism thousands of fighters, including internationalists, gave their lives.

Only because of this heroic resistance are we now able to work on the construction of an ecological-democratic society here in Northern Syria. In this way we see people coming to Rojava to participate in either the civil or military structures of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) not as criminals but as honorable people fighting against injustice.

Make Rojava Green Again’ has already been affected by repression through the shutdown of the Kurdish publishing house Mezopotamya by the German state and the confiscation of more than 10.000 books, including the self-titled book of our campaign It seems that the governments of many European states are afraid of people seeing the reality and talking about the Revolution in Northern Syria. We see the participation of international activists from all around the world as important and meaningful.

We call on everyone to continue supporting the people in Rojava and the whole of Northern-Eastern Syria. At the same time we demand that the governments change their hypocritical stance against AANES and finally stop their support of the authoritarian regime in Turkey, which is directly threatening this democratic project through its support of reactionary Islamist forces in the Middle East.”

BACKGROUND

Below is the translation of a Danish newspaper article about Anne Dalum’s case.

“Traveling to the Rojava region in northern Syria and participating in a reconstruction project is not a creditable purpose [anerkendelsesværdigt formål, literally ‘purpose worthy of recognition’], says the Copenhagen Police. This passport revocation is the first of its kind to be tested in court.

A Danish woman has had her passport revoked and gotten a travel ban for a year when she wanted to travel to the Rojava region in northern Syria to participate in the reconstruction project Make Rojava Green Again.

The woman, 33-year old Anne Dalum, had bought the ticket for January 7, but the day before departure Copenhagen Police knocked on the door to her residence and revoked her passport.

It happened by referring to the tightening of the Passport Law in 2015, which among other things were supposed to help prevent the recruitment of foreign fighters into armed conflicts.

Rebuilding the region

The revocation has shaken this woman.

“It was never my intention to go to Syria to go to war. I wanted to participate in the civic work to rebuild the Rojava region. Make Rojava Green Again is working with ecological restoration, wind use and reuse of water,” said Anne Dalum.

She has made no secret of her sympathy for the reconstruction efforts and has mentioned it on Facebook.

Rojava, which is also known as the Democratic Federation in Northern Syria, is an autonomous, stateless area run by the Democratic Union Party, PYD.

PYD has two military units, YPG and YPJ, both of which currently forms part of the international coalition in the fight against ISIS, and which are under the protection of US forces and aircraft in the area. Denmark is part of the coalition with YPG and YPJ, and various international forces stationed in Rojava.

The Syrian civil war has never spread to the area in question.

To be tested in court

The 33-year-old woman has taken the opportunity to get the passport revocation tried in court. The case was opened last Thursday at a preliminary hearing in the court in Frederiksberg.

It is the first time a case of passport revocation from someone declared not to be a foreign fighter to be tried in the court system.

It was revealed at the hearing that the police apparently does not suspect Anne Dalum to participate in an armed conflict. The prosecutor from the Copenhagen Police, Sabine Mosegaard Sørensen, declared that the very presence in the region and the very purpose of the project is not creditable.

Copenhagen Police brought a statement from the Danish intelligence services PET that a person traveling to Syria will pose a danger to national security and be a significant threat to public order unless the person has a creditable purpose.

Subsequently, the prosecutor did not want to comment further on the case.

Questions about the purpose of the law

Anne Dalum’s lawyer, Erbil Kaya, calls the case unusual. He does not believe that she should be subject to the passport law.

“The purpose of the law was to stop radicalization, so people subsequently do not become a problem. This is something else. She does not want go to fight. Neither are there any information indicating that.

She wants to travel for humanitarian reasons. She wants to go down there and help. Is the law intended to stop her if she wants that?”, he asks.

In the preliminary work to the passport law, which came into force in January 2015, the focus is specifically on the ISIS fighters, holy warriors and to stop people who go out to fight, and thus may pose a threat.

Justitia out with a warning

In a hearing in 2014, the legal think tank Justitia warned that the tightening of the passport law could lead to a situation like Anne Dalum’s.

According to Director Jacob Mchangama, he remarked back then that the scope of the law was vague and should be qualified.

“We problematized the required suspicion in the decisions and said that there should be clearer evidence of whether you pose a danger. And also that a travel ban should require weighty reasons. We warned that more or less loose utterances on social media could lead to a risk. That’s exactly what happened here,” he says.

Erbil Kaya has previously appeared for two other people, Joanna Palani and Martin from Esbjerg, which he’s called, as the surname is not public, both of which have previously been deprived of their passports.

In both cases they had openly declared that they would travel out to fight against the Islamic State. Joanna Palani is today serving imprisonment for violation of the travel ban.

The case at the court in Frederiksberg has not yet been scheduled, but is assumed to be completed before the summer.”

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27 March 2019

Mazloum Abdi points out, “After Daesh was overwhelmingly defeated in al-Baguz village, and after the evacuation of civilians and the surrender of hundreds of terrorists, SDF’s fighters, with the participation of the International Coalition to Fight Daesh, fought strongly in the battles to eradicate Deash, declaring to the entire world the destruction of the so-called Caliphate.”

Abdi asserts that the elimination of the region and strongholds of the terrorist organization was the result of great efforts and sacrifices made by the Syrian Democratic Forces and the Coalition.

“High-level coordination takes place between the two sides and their strong relations will soon put an end to the nightmare that has engulfed the entire world and transformed the region into a center of terrorist activity,” he said.

Mazloum Abdi notes that the joint decisions which were taken by SDF and the International Coalition Forces have made the liberation of a city after the other possible, while there was avoidance of leaving civilian casualties through the use of precise military tactics that were under full control.

Abdi believes that the US President Donald Trump’s decision to leave some US troops in Syria is crucial for the next stage of the battle against Daesh, which involves eradicating its intellectual and ideological roots and requires long-term sustained action.

Abdi points out that the US political and military leadership, as well as the members of the US Congress agree that the threat posed by IS’ terrorist organization is still far from the goal of eliminating it. By keeping the US forces in the region and rearranging the US strategy, the next phase of the war against terrorism will help SDF to maintain the gains that have been achieved so far.

“We want to emphasize the role of the US Department of Defense, especially the commander of the US Central Command, Joseph Votill, in winning the battlefield against Daesh, and ensuring security and stability in the liberated areas of darkness,” Abdi said.

“We recognize the important role of the former presidential envoy of the International Coalition Britt McGuck in this victory, and thank him for bringing together different countries under the banner of the International Coalition and building a bridge of cooperation between them and Syrian Democratic Forces.”

Abdi said, “We must pay attention to some of the main challenges before us: the sleeper cells planted by the terrorist organization, the danger of Daesh’s ability to reorganize itself by using and employing individual terrorists’ tactics (individual wolves) in terrorist acts such as bombings and assassinations.”

He stresses that there is also an increasing need to restore the community’s cohesion, reorganize people and return them to their societies. “The areas occupied by the terrorists have turned into rubble and must be revived. The rehabilitation requires ongoing support and rehabilitation at all levels so that the citizens can return to their normal lives.”

“In accordance with the UN resolutions, the continued cooperation between the Syrian Democratic Forces and the International Coalition to confront Daesh will contribute to ending the Syrian crisis,” the General Mazloum Abdi said.

ANHA

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The General Command of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) said that they defeated Daesh mercenaries depending on the principles of the democratic nation and the co-existence, calling on Damascus to dialogue and recognize the specificity of SDF, demanding Turkey to stop interfering in the Syrian affairs and leave the Syrian territory, declaring the start of a new stage to fight Daesh terrorism.

23 Mar 2019, Sat – 15:51

DEIR EZ-ZOR

The General Command of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) issued on Saturday in al-Omer field in Deir ez-Zor countryside a statement to the public opinion, announcing the defeat of Daesh.

Before reading the statement, the attendees held a minute of silence which was accompanied by a military parade performed by the fighters of SDF, and listening to the Kurdish national anthem “Hey Reqib.”

Then, the general commander of SDF Mazloum Abdi, the commander of the Women Protection Units (YPJ) Newroz Ahmed, and the US envoy to the International Coalition to fight Daesh William Rubak raised the curtains on the monument that symbolizes this historic day.

The statement was read by the general commander of SDF Mazloum Abdi in the presence of leaders of the International Coalition against Daesh, SDF commanders and fighters, officials in the Autonomous Administration (AA) of North and East Syria, representatives of the political parties, and the clans’ heads and notables in north and east Syria.

The statement included,

“On behalf of the General Command of SDF, all their fighters, and all our allies who fought with us in the same trench, we announce the destruction of what was called the organization of the Islamic State and the end of its field control on the last enclaves in al-Baguz region.

After our forces defeated al-Qaeda organization’s terrorists and their followers who used to receive support and facilities from regional forces and with our own modest potentials through the heroic resistance of 2012 and 2013, our regions were attacked by Daesh in early 2014, and the battle of Kobani was the symbol of the global resistance against terrorism and the beginning of Daesh’s defeat. Now, after five years of fighting, we stand here to declare the field defeat of Daesh.

We are proud of what we have achieved in the result of our battle against Daesh and al-Qaeda, and that is represented by rescuing nearly 5 million inhabitants of north and east Syria with all components from the clutches of terrorism, the liberation of 52 thousand km2 of the Syrian territories and the elimination of the terrorism that used to threaten humanity.

This victory was very expensive as more than 11,000 of our forces; commanders and fighters martyred, civilian victims were left, and more than 21,000 of our fighters injured. On this occasion, we cannot but commemorate those great heroes. We bow in tribute to the martyrs and wish the speedy recovery for our wounded as without their sacrifices, this victory would not have been achieved.

Likewise, we express our deepest thanks to all those who contributed and participated in this battle against terrorism, particularly the International Coalition against Daesh.

The main factor of SDF’s success in their battle against terrorism was their adoption of the democratic approach, the principles of the democratic nation and the freedom of women and the principles of co-existence and peoples’ fraternity which brought together the Kurdish, Arab, Syriac, Assyrian, Turkmen, Chechen and Circassian fighters and the international fighters under the flag SDF.

Just as SDF have helped the people of the liberated areas to establish their administrative and security institutions, they will also create the stability of the regions so that these areas would be able to rebuild their administrative and legislative councils through democratic elections.

In conclusion, we affirm that our battle against Daesh’s terrorism will continue until the full victory is achieved and its total existence is eliminated. At the same time, we call on the Coalition Forces to support us in the new stage to fight Daesh terrorists through the continuation of accurate military and security campaigns aiming at eliminating Daesh’s secret military presence completely.

ANHA

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Kurds Destroy Islamic State, Prepare For War Vs. Turkey

By Arthur Villasanta
03/24/19 AT 11:42 PM

After announcing their complete victory over the Islamic State (IS) at the shattered town of Baghouz al-Fawqani in eastern Syria — ending the five year existence of the murderous IS caliphate — – fighters of the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) now have to contend with the real possibility of a war against Turkey supported by its patron, Russia.

The Kurds also face the possibility president Donald Trump will fulfill a vow made in December 2018 to abandon them with the defeat of IS.

The world is celebrating the historic victory of the Kurds along with their allied Arab, Assyrian/Syrian and Christian militias over IS was announced on March 23. Since the U.S.-backed SDF was founded in October 2015, the mission of the SDF is to establish a secular, democratic and federal Syria.

French President Emmanuel Macron praised the SDF’s announcement about the end of IS as a territorial entity.

“Syrian democratic forces announced that the last bastion of Daesh had fallen. I pay tribute to our partners and the armies of the international coalition, of which France is a part. They fought the terrorists with determination, for our security,” tweeted Macron.

“We do not forget the victims of Daesh. The stage reached today is immense: a major danger for our country is eliminated. But the threat remains and the fight against terrorist groups must continue.”

British Prime Minister Theresa May also welcomed the news, and vowed to do “what is necessary” to protect British people and others from the threat of IS.

The SDF held a ceremony on the afternoon of March 23 to mark the victory over Daesh. The ceremony was attended by U.S. Ambassador William Roebuck and Syrian Democratic Council (SDC) co-chair Ilham Ahmed. Roebuck congratulated the SDF on its victory over the jihadists.

“This critical milestone in the fight against ISIS delivers a crushing, strategic blow and underscores the unwavering commitment of our local partners and the global coalition to defeat ISIS,” said Roebuck, reading a statement from Trump and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo.

“We could not have achieved any of this without the unwavering commitment and unity of our coalition and the tremendous sacrifice of our Syrian partners on the ground who have lost thousands of lives, taking back their homeland and helping to protect coalition homelands at the same time.”

“We honor the sacrifices and the valor of the Syrian Democratic Forces in achieving this victory and express condolences for the many lives lost in the campaign,” said Roebuck.

SDC co-chair Ahmed congratulated the Syrian people, but warned the fight to destroy ISIS sleeper cells and the group’s ideology must continue. There are anywhere from 10,000 to 20,000 jihadists in these sleeper cells.

British Army General Sir Nicholas Carter, chief of the Defense Staff, offered his “deep and most sincere condolences to the families of the many who have fallen (from the SDF) in the important and noble endeavor. We also have great admiration for the humanity and care that your forces have shown during this difficult and final battle to try to avoid civilian casualties and to receive those fleeing Baghouz.”

Practically the entire SDF consists of Kurdish men and women fighters led by the People’s Protection Units (YPG), a mostly Kurdish militia declared a terrorist organization by Turkey and its dictator, Recip Tayyip Erdogan.

The horrific campaign to destroy IS cost the SDF 11,000 dead. Of this total, 8,000 were Kurds of the YPG, more than 1,800 were Kurdish Peshmerga fighters with the rest of the dead spread among the other SDF militias.

Analysts agree that without the superhuman sacrifice of the Kurds, IS would still exist today. Kurds now have to turn their attention towards defeating an offensive by the Turkish Army within the year.

In December 2018, Erdogan said he had postponed a military offensive in northeastern Syria against the Kurds, citing conversations with Trump and other American officials. He did make it clear Turkey will eventually follow through on plans for an assault on Kurdish forces in the area.

Fighters of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) stand atop a roof next to their unfurled flag at a position in the village of Baghouz in Syria’s eastern Deir Ezzor province near the Iraqi border on March 24, 2019, a day after the Islamic State (IS) group’s ‘caliphate’ was declared defeated by the US-backed Kurdish-led SDF. Photo: GIUSEPPE CACACE/AFP/Getty Images

“In the upcoming months, on the ground in Syria, we will follow a style of incursion that eliminates both PKK-YPD elements and remnants of Daesh,” said Erdogan.

This announcement came after Trump declared his intention to withdraw United States forces in Syria without consulting his military commanders, Arab allies in the region and NATO.

Trump’s decision to withdraw delighted Turkey, Russia and Iran, Syria’s main backers. It angered the Kurds and many American officials who saw it as a shameful abandonment of the Kurds. Israeli officials also said they felt abandoned by Trump, whose decision will strengthens Iran’s hold on Syria and create a strategic threat to Israel.

Defense Secretary Jim Mattis announced his resignation the day after Trump’s order, making clear he opposed the Syria withdrawal, along with other presidential actions.

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Lorenzo Orsetti: a modern-day partisan

ROSA GILBERT salutes her comrade, the Italian revolutionary killed this week in the fight between Isis and Kurdish-led forces in Syria

Lorenzo Orsetti was part of an international anarchist group attached to the the armed units Turkish Communist Party/Marxist Leninist fighting Isis in northern Syria

ON MONDAY morning came the devastating news that an Italian YPG volunteer, Lorenzo “Orso” Orsetti, had been killed by an Isis ambush in Baghouz, the small town on the Deir Ezzor front where the remnants of the Isis caliphate are surrounded. Orsetti, also known by his nom-de-guerre Tekoser Piling, had been in northern Syria since September 2017 when he travelled from his hometown in Florence, Tuscany to defend the revolution in Rojava led by the Kurds in northern Syria, one he described as “the most beautiful revolution in the world,” “the closest thing I’ve ever found to my ideals and it is a pleasure and an honour to take part.”

Clarifying his motivation for taking up arms in Rojava, he said that it wasn’t because he liked war or wanted fame, that he didn’t have any mystifications or delusions, simply that “freedom cannot exist without taking risks.” According to countless stories, Orso (“bear” in Italian) was an incredibly brave and selfless fighter, and whilst he always impressed on friends and comrades the need to act in an altruistic manner in his dispatches from the front line, he never boasted or exalted his own activity.

He never even told people how, whilst fighting in the hills of Afrin against the Turkish/FSA invasion in spring 2018, with defeat in sight, he refused to be evacuated with the rest of his internationalist unit, insisting on staying with the civilians to defend them from the invasion at huge risk to himself until civilians themselves were evacuated. Fighting in the hills of Afrin in incredibly difficult conditions surrounded by jihadists and bombarded day and night by Turkey’s air force (equipped by both Britain and Italy), his dispatches from the front line sounded like epic tales of guerilla warfare from the partisan resistance, swapping the olive tree-filled mountains between Florence and Bologna for those of the north-west Syrian Kurdish enclave.

Orso came from a very ordinary family in Rifredi, a working-class neighbourhood in Florence filled with monuments and plaques to the anti-fascist partisans, many of whom hailed from the area in which he grew up. Bored by successive menial service jobs, mainly as a waiter and chef, he looked to Rojava as an escape from the drudgery and trappings of individualistic capitalist society. Not coming from any particular political faction, he was known more socially in Florence than as an activist or political raconteur, so although he had strong political ideals of an anarchist-libertarian disposition, above all he was not given to orthodoxy or dogmatism.

His anti-sectarianism was typical of his political and moral ethos of surpassing egoism and individualism, supporting solidarity events in the city from any and all political factions, fighting in an anarchist unit that was attached to TiKKO, the armed wing of the Turkish Communist Party/Marxist Leninist (TKP/ML) from which he took great inspiration.

It was perhaps his knowledge of the history of the Spanish Civil War and the anti-fascist liberation of Italy that gave him this anti-sectarian drive, but also perhaps his amenable personality and his very well-attuned balance between ideological rigour and pragmatism. Quietly well-read and intelligent, he would happily defend the need for strong ideology within a coherent, disciplined movement, revolutionary practices of self-criticism and rebut attacks on socialism as “dehumanising” or “impersonal” as liberal propaganda promoting individualism.

It was this anti-individualistic quality to life as a revolutionary that gave him a sense of profound belonging in Rojava, so far away from his hometown, his friends and family, his beloved dog and the high quality tinned tomatoes that he missed so dearly — despite the paltry ingredients, his unit were always delighted when it was his turn to cook.

Addressing a meeting in Florence by video last October, where two of his internationalist comrades were speaking, Orso spoke directly to his YPG comrades to a room packed with activists clinging onto every last word: “I love you guys so much, we went through so many crazy situations together, I love you like a family. In life, even amongst comrades there’s always this deep individualism that permeates everything, but here it’s different… care and attention for others, it’s beautiful.”

Having come very close to being killed in Afrin and numerous close calls on the Hajin and Deir Ezzor fronts, Orso was philosophical about death, writing in detail about fallen comrades and reflecting on conversations with locals as much as about the geopolitical machinations and his tales of war, which he recounted in an utterly level-headed way but threaded through with intimate minutiae. As he wrote in his final letter to be published in the event of his death (reproduced below), his dedication to the revolutionary cause in Rojava was such that, whilst wanting to live and continue the struggle, he was always ready to die, to sacrifice his life, for what he saw as a social and political revolution.

Today as I see Orso’s name and photo across every newsstand in Florence, on the front page of every major newspaper, I’m reminded of the words in his final letter encouraging us all to inspire each other and to have hope; already Orso has inspired so many, and the reaction to his death has provided hope — hope that there is still something worth fighting and dying for, where the victory is in sight, and hope in the Italian left which has reawakened, producing a deluge of tributes, banners, graffiti, just hours after his death was announced.

Last year during the Afrin invasion, his presence there and his regular dispatches from the front line were the guiding light for the huge mobilisation of solidarity in Florence, demonstrations, events, club nights, films, with the involvement of his musician friends collecting money for the Kurdish Red Crescent using the name “From Rifredi to Afrin.”

When his father stood up on the stage to proudly speak about Orso at the annual celebrations on April 25 — marking the anniversary of the anti-fascist liberation — we heard that the local ANPI section “Potente” (named after one of the Florentine partisans killed during the liberation of Florence in August 1944) was planning to grant him honorary partisan status in tribute to his bravery and continuance of the partisan cause.

It is a tragedy that this honour will now be posthumous. Unfortunately we don’t get to welcome Orso home, as in the partisan song “Fischia il vento” about the free, victorious partisan returning home. Instead, as in “Bella Ciao,” Orso will be buried under the shade of a beautiful flower where he fell in Rojava. But the story of the partisan bear (“orso”) who travelled from Rifredi to Rojava to fight fascism and defend a socialist, feminist revolution will serve as an inspiration for future generations in this city and across the world, just as the partisans, who have by now all but passed away, kept alive the cause of liberation, and the hope that one day we will win.

“Hello. If you are reading this message then it means that I am no longer of this world. Don’t be too sad, though, I’m OK with it; I don’t have any regrets and I died doing what I thought was right, defending the weak and staying true to my ideals of justice, equality and liberty.
So in spite of my premature departure, my life has been a success, and I’m almost certain that I went with a smile on my face. I couldn’t have asked for more.

I wish all of you all the best in the world and I hope that one day, you too will decide to give your life for others (if you haven’t already) because that is the only way to change the world.

Only by combatting the individualism and egoism in each of us can we make a difference. These are difficult times, I know, but don’t give in to despair, don’t ever abandon hope, never! Not even for a second.
Even when all seems lost, when the evils that plague the earth and humanity seem insurmountable, you must find strength, you must inspire strength in your comrades.

It is in the darkest moments that we have greatest need of your light.
And remember always that “every storm begins with a single raindrop.” You must be that raindrop.

I love you all, I hope you will treasure these words for time to come.
Serkeftin!

Orso, Tekoser, Lorenzo.”

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1 Turkish soldier and 2 gang members killed in Afrin

Afrin Liberation Forces carried out a sabotage action along the Tirinde road. 1 Turkish soldier and 2 gang members were killed in the action.

ANF
AFRIN
Friday, 8 Mar 2019, 11:55

Afrin Liberation Forces issued a statement on the action and said:

“As part of actions our fighters carried out against the invading Turkish army and the terrorist groups under their control positioned in and around Afrin;

On March 7, our fighters carried out a sabotage action against the checkpoint where soldiers and Firqat al Hamzat terrorist units were positioned in along the Tirinde road in Afrin center. 1 soldier and 2 terrorists were killed in the action, while 2 terrorists were wounded. The checkpoint was also damaged heavily.”

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A Glimmer of Hope: The extraordinary story of a revolution within the Syrian civil war

By Shawn Hattingh• 5 March 2019

For the past few years, most people would have come across news stories of how Kurdish fighters in Syria, especially women, have been crucial in battling the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria. Very few, however, would be aware that in the north and eastern parts of Syria these same Kurdish fighters are part of a revolution as progressive, profound and potentially as far-reaching as any in history.

In the north and eastern parts of Syria, an attempt to create an alternative system to hierarchical states, capitalism and patriarchy is underway and should it fully succeed it holds the potential to inspire the struggle for a better, more egalitarian Middle East, Africa, South Africa and indeed world. As in any revolution it has had its successes and shortcomings, but it is already an experiment worth reflecting on as it shows a far different world could be built to the extremely unequal and increasingly right-wing and authoritarian one that exists today.

The start of Rojava

In the aftermath of the Arab Spring in Syria, most of the country descended into a hellish nightmare as a vicious civil war erupted between the brutal Assad regime and equally reactionary groups claiming to be inspired by Islamic fundamentalism. Compounding this was the intervention of imperialist powers such as the US and Russia, and regional powers such as Turkey, Israel and Iran. One area where there was a difference was the mainly Kurdish enclave in the north of Syria known as Rojava.

There, on 19 July 2012, popular protests erupted against the Assad regime. Government buildings were occupied and taken over by the people. Many of the people involved in this had been building a popular movement for almost a decade that had the vision of implementing a radical concept — Democratic Confederalism.

The vision of Democratic Confederalism

Democratic Confederalism was first outlined by Abdullah Ocalan, who began his political life as an adherent of Stalinism and was the head of the Kurdish Workers’ Party (PPK) that had been engaged in a guerrilla war for the national liberation of the Kurdish people in Turkey.

In 1999, Ocalan was captured in Kenya — in an incident involving intelligence agencies from Turkey, the US and Greece — and tried for treason by the Turkish state. He was initially sentenced to death, but that was commuted to a life sentence as, at that point, the Turkish state had aspirations of joining the EU.

Since then, he has been held on the prison island of Imrali, often as the only prisoner, and now in total isolation since April 2015 — indeed the right-wing Erdogan regime has even denied visitation by his family members and lawyers (presently hundreds of people across the world are on hunger strike demanding an end to his isolation).

In the early 2000s, Ocalan nonetheless began a process of reflecting on what went wrong with past revolutionary struggles, most notably the Russian Revolution and the communist party’s rise to power as head of the Chinese state. During these revolutions, the energy of millions of people was released, a hope of a better future grew, only to flounder on the rise of the totalitarian states that emerged.

At the same time, Ocalan also began reading the works of libertarian socialist and social ecologist Murray Bookchin, as well as studying the experiences of the anarchist-syndicalist inspired Spanish Revolution of 1936 (which was one of the most radical revolutions in terms of worker democracy and control; although it too is not well known).

Ocalan came to the conclusion that the main reason past revolutions had failed is that they did not put an end to the structure of the state. Rather, communist parties entered the state and through that process, the leaders of these parties became rulers and a new elite within those societies.

In these states figures such as Lenin, Trotsky, Stalin, Mao and those loyal to them held real power; not the majority of people. Ocalan, therefore, argued that all states, whether claiming to be revolutionary or not, were hierarchical and subjugated, oppressed and exploited the majority of people.

He also argued states were inherently patriarchal and first arose in societies where a minority became an elite ruling class, but also importantly, in ones in which men began oppressing women and exploiting their labour. He concluded, due to their very structures — which centralised power — states could not escape or be altered to fundamentally shift away from their original purpose: Enabling an elite to hold power and rule over society.

Ocalan maintained that if a revolution was to be achieved, women’s liberation would have to be a central component. He also reasoned that capitalism needed to be replaced, but so too did the state. To replace these he argued for a communal economy that was based on the socialisation of the means of production and production for need, not profit.

He also argued such an economy needed to be ecologically sustainable and democratic. To replace the state, he maintained federated assemblies and councils should be created and they should function on the basis of direct democracy.

This, he felt, would prevent the emergence of an elite as within direct democracy there could be no hierarchy as delegates were always subject to the will of assemblies at the base of society. Monopolisation could not take place in a socialised and democratic economy.

By the mid-2000s most people involved in the Kurdish national liberation struggle in Turkey, Syria, Iraq and Iran had come to adopt Democratic Confederalism. With this, they began to attempt to forge a new world in the shell of the old by building a mass movement of community-based councils and assemblies across southern Turkey, northeastern Syria, northern Iraq and northwestern Iran.

In this, direct democracy, feminism and participatory praxis replaced undemocratic notions of hierarchy and vanguardism as defining features of the Kurdish national liberation struggle.

Implementing Democratic Confederalism

Since 2012, when the Syrian state left the north and eastern parts of the country, people in this area known as Rojava — Kurds, Turks and Arabs — expanded these structures of direct democracy. As part of this, they set up thousands of communes — made up of 60 to 100 households — right across Rojava to run the society from the grassroots on the basis of a radical democracy without a state.

People themselves, through participation in the communes, decide through direct democracy on policies, plans, and how to meet needs in their own communities. They democratically deal with issues such as crime at a local level and use restorative justice as opposed to punitive justice in order to constructively heal communities.

This includes dealing with issues such as gender-based violence. Due to having a history of being involved in a movement based on direct democratic organisations, people were already familiar with such politics and putting such a system fully into practice was not alien.

The communes, in fact, have full autonomy and are where true power resides. Through mass meetings, they are the sole decision-making bodies regarding the economy, services, development, education and defence in the areas they cover. No structure or institution has any right or ability to override decisions made by the communes.

The communes, while being autonomous, are federated into neighbourhood assemblies — in this, the communes send mandated and recallable delegates to neighbourhood assemblies to share their ideas, views and plans to ensure co-ordination from below. Recallable delegates from the neighbourhood assemblies are then sent to City Assemblies. These are all linked through delegates that are sent to a structure that covers the entire region, named the Syrian Democratic Council.

By 2016, a form of representative democracy had also been introduced in the Syrian Democratic Council. Other parties and formations — who were not mandated delegates from the communes and assemblies — also began to participate in the Syrian Democratic Council through an election.

This has proven to be a controversial issue. Some argue that the introduction of a form of representative democracy in the Syrian Democratic Council undermines the direct democracy envisioned in Democratic Confederalism. They contend it introduces practices similar to those of a state. Others argue that it was a necessary step to ensure unity of the people of Rojava in the face of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) attacks and some form of international recognition.

Linked to this argument, its proponents contend that as a minority of parties and organisations had refused to participate in the communes and neighbourhood assemblies some form of representative democracy in the Syrian Democratic Council was necessary to also give such people a say. Those defending this move also point out that the communes remain the real holders of power and the Syrian Democratic Council cannot override their decisions nor impose any policy, practice or law on them.

Ultimately it does seem to be the case that the communes do hold real power, although introducing elements of representative democracy in the Syrian Democratic Council holds the real danger of introducing new hierarchies. An important development, though, is that women play a central role in this system of Democratic Confederalism. Each assembly or council — including the Syrian Democratic Council — have to ensure gender parity among delegates. To have a quorum in commune meetings at least 40% of the participants have to be women.

In the process of the revolution, real strides have been made to create a genuinely democratic form of people’s power with women playing a central role. As the fighters from Rojava have rolled back ISIS, new areas have joined the system of self-governance based on Democratic Confederalism. Presently 4.6 million people live and participate in this system, now known as the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria.

On the economic front, there has been an attempt to replace capitalism with a communal economy. At the heart of this experiment are worker self-managed co-operatives that produce not for profits, but to meet peoples’ needs. Besides being based on workers’ democracy, these co-operatives are also accountable to everyone involved in the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria through being answerable to the federated communes.

Large industries, of which oil is the only real one, and ex-state-owned commercial farms have also been socialised — that is, ownership is by all. By some estimates, 70% of economic activity is conducted through co-operatives. Small-sized businesses still do exist, but these are required to be based on meeting peoples’ needs and are reportedly accountable to the communes — to temper profit motives and price gouging.

Threats from many sides

Over the course of almost seven years, the people of the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria — mainly through democratic militia — have fought off the many dangers that have been posed to the revolution, which have included the forces of the Syrian state, ISIS and the Turkish state.

In the process a tactical military alliance was formed in 2015 with the US — it only arose because the Kurdish forces proved the most capable in combating ISIS. The US, as always, has only adhered to the tactical military alliance for its own purposes and has categorically refused to politically recognise the existence of the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria. It recently mooted that its troops would pull out of Syria in a move that will give the Turkish state a free hand to militarily intervene against the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria.

In January 2019, the Turkish state in fact began to make plans for the invasion of northern Syria to end the revolution. The Turkish state fears the revolution will spread into Turkey itself and it does not want an experiment in direct democracy, feminism, ecology, anti-statism, and anti-capitalism to succeed.

Already in 2018, the Turkish state invaded part of Rojava, Afrin, and is now unleashing plans to invade the rest of north and eastern Syria. These plans have been condemned by the peoples of the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria. They have called for a genuine international peacekeeping force to be deployed to prevent the invasion. Indeed, if such an invasion occurs there will be a massive escalation of the war in Syria, which will at the very least lead to thousands more deaths and hundreds of thousands of new refugees.

Showing us the potential for a better way

Despite some weaknesses and the threats the revolution faces, it is a beacon of hope. For South Africans, the revolution in northern and eastern Syria holds real lessons and potential hope.

When the liberation movement in South Africa gained state power, it promised to use this to improve people’s lives, end racism, address sexism and bring about equality. This has flatly failed to happen.

Ocalan’s analysis that once in state power, former liberation movements become a new elite and new rulers that develop self-serving interests precisely due to their new power and privileged positions they occupy, has proven to be correct. It is exactly why we sit with corruption throughout the state in South Africa as officials abuse the hierarchical power they have to enrich themselves.

Democratic Confederalism, as is shown in Syria, offers another way to run society. Its direct democracy can temper corruption and create greater equality as power cannot be centralised in such a system and wealth cannot be accumulated individually.

Developments in the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria also demonstrate how a non-racial society can be built through a radical democracy and that gender relations can be changed through a participatory revolutionary process. This is something that is desperately needed in South Africa where gender-based violence, sexism and racism are everyday occurrences.

In South Africa, we are saddled with one of the most corrupt private sectors in the world. Practices such as price gouging, collusion, transfer pricing and tax evasion/avoidance are prevalent in the private sector.

Working conditions, especially in the agricultural sector, are often harsh and even brutal. Pay is often low, which is one of the reasons we are one of the most unequal societies in the world. Unemployment, too, is rife and precarious work a growing phenomenon.

Past revolutions have shown, however, that nationalisation is often not the answer. Developments in Syria to create a socialised communal economy that is democratic shows another path could be followed.

In order to create a more democratic and egalitarian path (which Democratic Confederalism shows can be done), a new mass movement with a new vision, clear ethics, sound principles and truly democratic practices in South Africa is needed.

Without such a movement we will remain mired in a society defined by exploitation and corruption. To build such a movement will be no easy task, but it is what is needed: What the revolution in northern Syria shows is that it can be done. DM

Shawn Hattingh is a Research & Education Officer with the International Labour, Research & Information Group.

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Syrian Kurds welcome UN report documenting war crimes in Afrin

Wladimir van Wilgenburg |

March 02-2019 09:05 PM

Syrian Kurds welcome UN report documenting war crimes in Afrin

Free Syrian Army (FSA) fighters enter the center of Afrin on March 18, 2018, and destroy the Kurdish Kawa statue. (Photo: Social Media)

ERBIL (Kurdistan 24) – A representative of the Syrian Democratic Council (SDC) in the United States has welcomed the latest report the United Nations’ Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Syria released on Thursday that described the practices by Turkish-backed groups in Afrin as war crimes.

Sinam Mohamad, an SDC representative in the US, said the UN report is “a good sign and start” to shed light on the violations in Afrin, but emphasized that more had to be done.

According to Mohamad, the Turkish occupation in Afrin must end, and the Turkish-backed groups need to leave. Turkey and its armed groups occupiedthe former Kurdish-held region on March 18, 2018.

“Nobody mentioned anything about the violation of human rights, the kidnapping of women, the taking of lands of people, the selling of Afrin’s olive oil by Turkey to Europe, and the demographic change, which is the most dangerous,” she stated.

In its report, the UN said that “there are reasonable grounds to believe that armed group members in Afrin committed the war crimes of hostage-taking, cruel treatment, torture, and pillage.”

“Due to the glaring absence of the rule of law, it similarly remains unclear whether Turkish forces were capable of exercising overall control over any armed groups present in the district,” it added.

Several civilians from Afrin who were displaced to the Kurdish city of Kobani confirmed to Kurdistan 24 that many human rights violations had taken place, including torture, kidnapping, and the pillaging of Afrin’s olives.

According to one civilian, Turkish-backed rebel groups arrested him on several occasions.

“I was arrested. They tied my leg with a rope, hanged it on the roof, and beat me with cables,” the civilian, who identified as the pseudonym Ali, recounted.

One Turkish-backed group detained Ali for two months before eventually releasing him.

After this, he attempted to flee from Afrin by going to Idlib and tried to cross the border to Turkey. However, groups in control of the border arrested Ali and brought him back to Afrin.

He eventually paid $1,100 to a Kurdish member of the Free Syrian Army (FSA) to bring him to Ain Dadat, close to Manbij. From there, Ali was able to reach areas the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) control and now lives in Kobani.

Mohamad underlined that the return of Afrin civilians to their original homes, and the departure of Turkish-backed groups is of paramount significance.

According to the World Health Organization (WHO), the Turkish attack on Afrin resulted in the collapse of the local health system and displaced 167,000 people. Local Kurdish officials say the number is even higher.

“We need a solution,” the SDC official said. “The war crimes are ongoing there, and they have not stopped.”

Furthermore, Turkey has settled thousands of families and fighters from areas like Eastern Ghouta, Douma, Homs, Idlib, and Deir al-Zor to replace the local population.

Mohamad called on the Turkish army to leave Afrin and end its violations, so “the people in the camps can go back to their city and villages.”

Editing by Karzan Sulaivany

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JACOBIN MAGAZINE

Rojava Is Under Existential Threat

By: Rosa Burç; Fouad Oveisy

Donald Trump’s announced withdrawal from Syria would actually entrench US imperialism in the region — and open up the Kurds’ revolution in Rojava to extermination and colonization.

Local residents speak with a Kurdish soldier while an oil well burns in the distance on November 10, 2015 near the town of Hole in the autonomous region of Rojava, Syria. John Moore / Getty

With local elections and another contest against his electoral nemesis, the leftist Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP), just around the corner, Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan is wasting no time rallying the country around a common cause: destroying Rojava. “A strategic alliance with the US can only be possible if we wipe out terrorists from the north of Syria,” Erdoğan declared in December. “We have done so in Afrin and in Shengal. We have buried them in the trenches they had dug and we will continue to do so. If they don’t leave, we will make them disappear because their existence disturbs us.”Erdoğan is itching to wage war across the border, against the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria, the enclave commonly known as Rojava. The revolutionary region’s political program shares many similarities with the HDP’s electoral platform in Turkey, which promotes egalitarianism, peace, and radical democracy.As for the messages that Erdoğan is telegraphing to the public, they are threefold. Domestically, to the Turkish nationalists and his coalition partner, the far-right Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), Erdogan sells the old war against the PKK (Kurdistan Workers’ Party, a militant Kurdish group). He does so by flattening all distinctions between the PKK and its civic sister in Syria, the Democratic Union Party (PYD), which leads a pluralist coalition in Rojava. To the ISIS-crazed global media, Erdoğan is selling the security discourse of the “war on terror” by promising to create an ISIS-free “safe zone” right through Rojava, which also buys him favor with the European Union’s anti-refugee membership.And to the Middle Eastern and Western left, Erdoğan sells his agenda as an anti-imperialist one, portraying the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), Rojava’s self-defense forces — made up of Kurdish, Syriac, Arab, and Christian units, among others — as a US lackey. This he accomplishes by smuggling in the Turkish Armed Forces (TAF), the second-largest NATO army, as an alternative to the US presence in Syria, justifying the war against Rojava as, somehow, a war against imperialism.But rhetoric aside, the facts are this: Erdoğan is clamoring to continue Turkey’s ongoing ethnic cleansing project, extending his tentacles from Afrin into the rest of Rojava. Donald Trump’s announced withdrawal from Syria does not amount to an end to US imperialism in Syria — it simply transfers the maintenance of long-term US interests to its proxies in the region. And the region’s Kurds, long colonized by multiple powers, have once again been caught in the middle — trying to fight for their liberation while grappling with the cruel realities of geopolitics.

A Colonial Handover

How would the US relate to the Syrian Kurds and Turkey under Trump’s withdrawal?

In a 2017 report, James F. Jeffrey, the Trump-appointed special representative for Syria engagement, prescribed a change of course.

“Turkey, a NATO member, sits on prime real estate . . . of central importance for U.S. policy in southern Europe and the Middle East,” Jeffrey observed. However, Washington’s “mishandling of the Syrian civil war, along with its tilt toward the PYD in the fight against IS in eastern Syria, risks forcing Turkey ever more into the Russian camp.” To remedy this risk, Jeffrey promoted a “transactional reordering” of relations with Turkey and the wider Middle East, hoping to appease Erdoğan’s drive for “Ataturk-like power.” For example, “the United States can quietly guarantee Turkey that the Armenian Genocide resolution in Congress will not pass,” or adopt a bilateral “model like the US-Israel arms sales relationship to ensure” smooth sales of the costly “F-35” program. If Washington reaches “an agreement with Turkey on its northern Syrian safe zone that would support the Turks and their Syrian opposition allies with advisory teams and airpower . . . and refuse to recognize PYD autonomy, much of the rancor in the current relationship would dissipate.”

That’s one plan. Then there is National Security Advisor John Bolton’s alternative five-point plan, which proposes what amounts to another “safe zone,” this one manned by the Kurdish National Council’s (ENKS) Rôj Peshmerga militia, the Syrian wing of the Kurdistan Regional Government in Iraq (which has strong ties to Erdoğan’s party). Bolton’s plan is favored by the establishment in Washington because it would shift political decision-making in Rojava to the safe neoliberal center. Air support from a potential KSA-UAE-Egypt alliance would then mollify the worries of some Arab states, as well as the Israeli military, about further extension of Iran, Qatar, and the Muslim Brotherhood’s reach in Syria. Here, the United States would save face by not “abandoning the Kurds” and slow down ongoing talks between the PYD and Assad, while retaining de facto control over North and North Eastern Syria.

Either way, the US withdrawal hides a grand strategy to further entrench US imperialism in the region. Americans are not leaving Syria. They’re simply transferring their interests to NATO members and allies. And since the TAF is not even prepared to replace the US Army for such a mission — given the purges the TAF’s personnel has experienced since the attempted coup in Turkey in 2016 — the United States would have to offer “substantial military support, including airstrikes, transport and logistics.” In other words, deeper US military involvement.

Unfortunately, this basic fact has escaped some on the Left, who have taken the purported US pullout at face value and, at times, been willing to believe alternative truths about the revolution in Rojava or dismiss its participants as pawn on the imperialist chessboard. Take, for instance, the infamous 2015 Amnesty International report about alleged human rights abuses by the SDF, which the UN has since debunked. Amid the cacophony raised by this charade, Erdoğan’s expansionist project disguises itself as “anti-imperialist” to silence the real leftist program — the one in Rojava.

More fundamentally, the ready celebration of what is in fact a colonial handover suffers from a lack of awareness about the histories and specificities of oppressed peoples’ struggles in the Middle East against the region’s neoliberal and imperialist states.

Kurdistan, a Colony

Adopting Frantz Fanon’s words, we can say that for the Kurd there is only one destiny: to become a non–Kurd. Assimilation or disappearance has been the colonial reality of the so-called “Kurdish Question” in the Middle East since the beginnings of the modern nation-state, particularly in Turkey and Syria.

The plans for a “safe zone” controlled by Turkey would involve resettling millions of Arab Syrian refugees, currently in Turkey, in Rojava’s Kurdish areas near the Turkish border. The Erdoğan regime, known for pushing neoliberal policies driven by the twin profit motors of construction and energy, have put housing projects for the settlers on the colonial agenda to boost the Turkish economy. The scale of it would be staggering.

In fact, such a colonial-settler project surpasses, in both size and scope, Syrian president Hafez al-Assad’s 1973 completion of the original “Arab Belt” project, which deported 140,000 Kurds from 332 villages in Rojava over ten years to Syria’s southern desert regions, replacing them with twenty-five thousand Arab families in forty-one “model villages.” Demographic engineering lies at the heart of colonial Turkification and Arabization policies that have dominated the region’s political and social realities, from Syria to Turkey and then to Iraq and Iran, against Kurds and Armenians among others.

In the case of Turkey, the state has always attempted to integrate and homogenize the dissident Kurdish regions in its territory into a common cultural stream, first by invading their traditional home places and then by razing them to create spaces of control and discipline. For example, after the 1938 Dersim massacre, which saw tens of thousands killed following a Kurdish uprising against state repression, the Turkish state redistributed the remaining Kurdish population of the area to various majority-Turkish cities. The Turkish state employed the same approach again in the 1990s, when the military burned down more than four thousand Kurdish villages, displacing the entire rural population of the majority-Kurdish Southeast. In both cases, the Turkish state’s primary aim was to domesticate those resisting its aggressive Turkification policies.

Scholars like Ismail Beşikçi, a sociologist of Turkish origin, have shown that the Turkish state’s institutionalized policies against its Kurdish population exhibit a “genocidal character.” Beşikçi also argues that despite the political appearances and differences between Turkey, Syria, Iraq, and Iran, the four nation-states share the cooperative goal of denying their Kurds the right to dignified existence, forging the Kurdish Question in the process — or in his words, the “international colony of Kurdistan.”

The colonial reality of the Kurdish Question, however, is not limited by its territorial determinations and histories either; it is not reducible to the division and allocation of predominantly Kurdish lands in the early twentieth century to the newly born states of Turkey, Syria, and Iraq by imperialist powers. The international colonization of Kurdistan must be understood as a continuum that appears in how citizenship is defined and distributed by state powers across the Middle East.

In Turkey, the state traditionally considered Kurds “pseudo-citizens” who stood outside the boundaries of the Turkish nation, only granted citizenship rights (and an assimilated Kurd identity card) if they relinquished their mother tongue, history, and identity. Beşikçi recalls an ironic scene from the martial law court of Diyarbakır, Turkey, in 1971, where “persons who spoke Kurdish and not even one word of Turkish were said to be Turks, despite the fact that the courts were forced to hire interpreters to communicate with the accused.”

Historically, Kurdistan has therefore been a sort of hybrid colony — assaulted by the various colonial practices of four nation-states, intertwined with the geopolitics of imperialist powers.

“Playing One’s Own Game”

The Kurdish liberation movement is marked by the contradiction that, as Gramsci put it, “whatever one does one is always playing somebody’s game.” He added: “The important thing is to seek in every way to play one’s own game with success.”

Statelessness is one such hurdle. In Syria, a special census, decree No. 93, ordered in 1963 by President Nazim al-Qudsi, stripped 120,000 Kurds of citizenship. By the onset of the Syrian revolution, the descendants of this group numbered more than three hundred thousand, divided into the two extra-legal categories of ajanib, or foreigners, and maktumin, literally undocumented migrants in their own country.

Kurds have tried to make the best of this situation, orienting their strategy and theory toward overcoming it. Abdullah Öcalan, the Kurdish liberation theorist, developed his theory of Democratic Confederalism as one rooted in statelessness, which Syrian Kurds took up as a framework for grassroots organization in the decade preceding the Syrian revolution.

Öcalan’s writings on women’s liberation in the Middle East are no less Machiavellian in both strategic foresight and liberatory aptitude. He regards women’s emancipation “as a tool to destroy the structures of feudal Kurdish society,” where “women were at the bottom of a tribal hierarchy.” He recognizes that “feudal family and tribal structures presented an obstacle to [political] recruitment” and so “breaking down the established patriarchal social order would allow for the emergence of a new society in which women would take part equally.” (The destruction of the patriarchal family structure is doubly important, since the TAF arms and co-opts conservative Kurdish tribes in its war against the PKK.)

The implicit and explicit contradictions of this agenda only underscore the agency and remarkable accomplishments of the Kurdish women’s revolutions in Turkey and Syria. A gender distribution ratio in government, local feminist courts, a social contract that women have played a central role in writing and executing, indigenous and autonomous communalism — all are part of the feminist program in Rojava.

The danger in this Gramscian game, however, is that one might become too prone to playing another’s game. For example, the Syrian Arab Army (SAA) has maintained military bases and airports in Rojava throughout the civil war, since it handed control of Rojava over to the PYD at the outset of the Syrian revolution. (So sure was Bashar al-Assad of continued Kurdish subservience that he even left some guns behind, so the Kurds may fend for themselves.)

One might call this development inevitable, given the PYD’s mistrust of the Turkish-backed opposition umbrella organization, the Syrian National Council (SNC). But it was a position that only alienated the Syrian opposition, who then refused all PYD overtures to join opposition talks on Syria’s future — and who, save for the too-late and even-then-ambiguous Kurdish Issue Charter, had refused to recognize Kurdish demands for federalism. In fact, it is another one of the flaws of some parts of the international left that it continues to condemn the Kurds for refusing to embrace the Sunni and Arab vision of the Spring in Syria.

The PYD’s brief spring of autonomy came to a near end in 2014, when a well-armed ISIS found its way well into the gates of the city of Kobane. Here, the United States entered the Kurdish picture, seeing that its support for a failing Free Syrian Army (FSA) only amounted to a handover to ISIS of the military equipment it supplied to the FSA via Saudi intermediation – weaponry lost to ISIS in battle after battle. US airstrikes against ISIS positions in Kobane then enabled Rojava’s People’s and Women’s Protection Units (YPG and YPJ) to mount a resistance that has since become known as the Stalingrad monument of the war against ISIS.

Of course, the US deployed the narrative of a “war on terror” only as a pretext to attach itself to the PYD/YPG, and as a means to preserve its many interests in the Middle East, one of which is to obstruct the Iranian Shiite Corridor — a path laden with missile depots and stretching from Iraq to Western Syria to the Hezbollah-controlled Lebanon, ending right at Israel’s doorstep. In return, the YPG sought to wipe out ISIS by taking over oil fields in central Syria that funded the group’s reign of terror. In the process, the logistical necessities of driving ISIS out of Rojava also rendered the YPG/J dependent on the US’s might and tact. Add to such military exigencies the severe psychological impact of the atrocities committed by ISIS in Kurdish-majority areas, and it becomes evident that in the formation of the SDF in 2015, under US supervision, we are dealing with a situation in which Rojava’s revolution — built on confederalism and radical democracy — has been pushed toward an anti-ISIS and pro-security and territorial insurrectionary discourse.

Now, with the end of the war against ISIS and with US positions firmly anchored in Syria, the restoration of the status quo in Syria returns the Gramscian Rojava to the status of the odd one out, once again. And having put aspects of its internationalist project on hold, in favor of an understandable drive for security, Rojava finds itself dispensable and replaceable by any bully with a bigger gun — such as Turkey, who can lay claim to securing the remaining pockets of ISIS in Syria. Perhaps, then, the political lesson here is that if a revolutionary force engages in a “war of maneuver” with the aid of a hegemon, it should not lose sight of how that hegemon might be engaged in a careful, atrocious “war of position.”

The SDF’s alternatives to the US’s plans are less clear cut. Damascus’s Russian-dictated reaction to the list of ten reconciliation demands put forward by the Syrian Democratic Council (SDC), the SDF’s political wing, has been lukewarm. Assad is likely weighing the perils of making peace with an armed and organized Rojava in a postwar scene where he will already have his hands full with the reconstruction capital pouring in from Arab states. But after the bloodbath and the chemical bombs, he must also be wary of another resurgence from Syria’s repressed Sunni majority, who kickstarted the revolution and who live between the Damascus strongholds and Rojava. Maintaining Turkey’s Kurdish problem might deter Turkey from sponsoring future revolts, while keeping a leash on Rojava.

As for Trump, his administration will likely seek a deal between the PYD and Turkey that aims to pacify Turkish fears by driving a wedge between the YPG/J and their PKK forbears in Turkey.

What the International Left Should Do

The people of Rojava have fought for their revolution, and their victories have been significant given the challenges. Without an amenable leftist state or party to aid them, their options were simple: die, or die. They have refused that result, fighting instead for a new state of life and politics.

What can the international left do to aid them now, at this crucial juncture? We should support shutting down arms sales to the Turkish state, including from Germany, England, and, of course, the United States. We should staunchly oppose the economic blockade Turkey has imposed on Rojava: items entering from Rojava’s border with Iraq are restricted to no more than the bare necessities of sustenance. Here, the international left could raise the costs of the Turkish embargo on Rojava by highlighting its counter-revolutionary character — an old imperialist measure also imposed on other revolutionary enclaves, such as Cuba — or circumvent state actors altogether by organizing direct international aid to Rojava’s people via leftist parties and sympathizers.

Unfortunately, the news from Rojava rarely makes it to the mainstream media, buried instead in a swamp of propaganda and fake news produced by Erdoğan’s cyber army. The news of the ethnic cleansing in Afrin has not been given center stage in the media, anywhere, for more than a year. So the international left must become a louder voice against the perpetuation of humanitarian disasters.

Both the United States and Russia should get out of Syria, and the international left should pressure the Assad regime to settle for a democratic program of the country’s transition to confederalism. It is crucial that a neutral and international peacekeeping force guarantees the peacefulness of such a transition for all inhabitants of Syria by barring the expansion of interventionist states already present in Syria, such as Turkey and Iran. Returning control of the province of Idlib, occupied at the moment by al-Qaeda affiliate Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, to a local civilian administration, is integral to such a transition plan. Finally, the international left should support the HDP’s peace process in Turkey, so that Erdoğan’s war machine is deprived of preemptive pretexts once and for all.

Rojava, the site of a remarkable peoples’ revolution, is on the brink of colonization and extermination. The international left must stand against it.

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SDF says will focus on liberation of Afrin, sleeper cells after ISIS defeat

Wladimir van Wilgenburg |

February 17-2019 09:16 PM

SDF says will focus on liberation of Afrin, sleeper cells after ISIS defeat

The leadership of the Syrian Democratic Force (SDF) discussed the future of Syria’s northeast after the Islamic State’s territorial defeat, Feb. 17, 2019. (Photo: Hawar News Agency)

ERBIL (Kurdistan 24) – The General Military Council of the US-backed Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) on Sunday said they would focus on the liberation of Afrin, which Turkey occupied in March last year, and combat Islamic State sleeper cells after the extremist group’s military defeat.

Among the SDF’s priorities after the Islamic State’s defeat isthe return of Afrin’s original inhabitants to their homes and an end to the demographic change in the region, the local Hawar News Agency (ANHA) reported.

The SDF leadership underlined in a statement that after the militant group is defeated, the Kurdish-led forces would focus on the elimination of sleeper cells through precise “military and security campaigns” with support from the US-led coalition.

It emphasized that the Islamic State is trapped in a small area in the Baghuz village and that the battle would end after they liberate prisoners and civilians from the extremist group.

The SDF also highlighted the importance of drying up the Islamic State’s “ideological and economic ground,” which the terrorists depend on.

Mustafa Bali, the head of the SDF media center, previously warned that the Islamic State as an ideology is not defeated yet.

“We, as the SDF, think that dealing with and finishing off the Islamic State militarily was the easy step, but now comes the more challenging phase,” he told Kurdistan 24.

The leadership of the Syrian Democratic Force (SDF) discussed the future of Syria’s northeast after the Islamic State’s territorial defeat, Feb. 17, 2019. (Photo: Hawar News Agency)

In a meeting on Sunday, the SDF’s General Military Council discussed the future of northeastern Syria after the Islamic State’s defeat and the upcoming US withdrawal. Senior SDF leaders, such as Mazlum Kobani, the commander of the SDF, took part in the meeting.

In its statement, the General Military Council denied they are a danger to the Turkish state, underlining that Turkey is occupying Syrian territory, such as the town of Afrin, Al-Bab, Jarabulus, and Idlib.

Despite the occupation of Afrin and other cities, the SDF said they are ready “to solve problems with the Turkish state through dialogue and mutual respect,” noting they are ready to protect their areas “in any case of aggression.”

Regarding the establishment of a safe-zone or buffer zone under international supervision, the SDF said they would welcome it “to establish security and peace on our northern border.”

Senior US lawmakers and military officials are pressing America’s allies in Europe to commit hundreds of troops to create a buffer zone along Syria’s border with Turkey, Washington Post columnist Josh Rogin reported on Friday.

On relations with the Syrian government, the SDF military council said they are ready for dialogue in the framework of a united Syria, as long as it recognizes the special status of the SDF and constitutional recognition of the Democratic Autonomous Administration (DAA) of North and East of Syria.

Editing by Karzan Sulaivany

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by Carne Ross

24 July 2017, 12:24pm

The Most Feminist Revolution the World Has Ever Witnessed

In Rojava, a Kurdish anarchist collective led by women is at the heart of the fight with ISIS, and behind a political upheaval putting equality front and centre.

Something extraordinary has happened in a corner of north-east Syria. It is a little-known story that defies the usual narratives about Syria or Assad, civil war or ISIS. It is nothing less than a political revolution, which bears important lessons for the rest of the world. In this revolution, women are in the vanguard, both politically and militarily, often leading the fight on the frontline and sacrificing their lives against the most atavistic and anti-woman enemy there is: the so-called Islamic State – or Daesh, as it is more derogatorily known.

This place is called Rojava, the Kurdish name for western Kurdistan, located in north-eastern Syria. After the collapse of the Assad regime in 2012, Kurdish parties began an extraordinary project of self-government and equality for all races, religions and women and men. I visited Rojava, in a personal capacity, in the summer of 2015 to try to understand what’s going on there for a documentary film about anarchism, which you can watch on iPlayer.

Few journalists visit this swath of land along the Turkish border, which is about half the size of Belgium. It’s difficult to reach and thus expensive, requiring a long journey from northern Iraq and a crossing of the Tigris by small boat onto Syrian soil. The Kurdish Regional Government of northern Iraq (KRG) is not sympathetic to the Kurds of Rojava, and makes access very difficult and sometimes impossible.

The few journalists who make it there tend to focus on the fight with ISIS, assuming that this is what most concerns western audiences. Rojava is safer than the main combat zones of Syria, but still suffers horrific suicide bombings, and western visitors would of course make a fine catch for Daesh kidnappers.

As a result, very little has been reported about the remarkable political experiment of Rojava.

What little commentary appears is often secondhand. It therefore frequently repeats earlier misconceptions or hostile propaganda put about, above all, by Turkey, which opposes the leading political party of the Rojava Kurds – the PYD – and the armed forces of Rojava, the People’s Self-Defence Units, which comprise the mostly male YPG and all-female YPJ. Nor does the political character of the Rojava revolution fit familiar pigeonholes; it is neither a nationalist Kurdish project for an independent state, nor is it Marxist or communist, nor driven by religious or ethnic motives.

Perhaps most remarkably – and, sadly, uniquely – this is perhaps the most explicitly feminist revolution the world has witnessed, at least in recent history. Previously, this area was home to traditional peasant norms, including child marriage and keeping women at home. These traditions have been overturned: child marriage, for instance, is now illegal. There are parallel women’s organisations in every field, ranging from the separate women’s militia, the YPJ, to parallel women’s communes and cooperatives. Self-defence is a principle of the Rojava revolution, which is why women are so active in the armed struggle – but the concept extends towards the right of self-defence against all anti-woman practices and ideas, including those of traditional society, not just the extreme violence of Daesh.

“From what I saw, this political transformation enjoyed widespread support from all: Kurds, Arabs, women and men, young and old. Why wouldn’t it? The whole point is to give everyone a say in their own government.”

In addition to ensuring complete equal rights for women, the feminist politics of Rojava aims to break down domination and hierarchy in every aspect of life, recasting social relations between all people regardless of age, ethnicity or gender, with the aim of achieving an ecologically and socially harmonious society. In terms of historical comparison, this project resembles most closely the short period of anarchism witnessed by George Orwell in Republican Spain during the Spanish civil war in the late 1930s. But the representatives of Rojava also reject the label of anarchism, even if much of the inspiration for this revolution came originally from an anarchist thinker from New York City, Murray Bookchin.

The political heart of the Rojava project is in the local communal assemblies, in which local people take decisions for themselves about everything that concerns them: healthcare, jobs, pollution… boys riding their bikes too fast around the village, as one woman complained about at an assembly I visited. Women and men are scrupulously given an equal voice. Women co-chair every meeting and every assembly. Non-Kurdish minorities, mostly Arabs but also Syriacs, Turkmen and Assyrians, are also given priority on the speaking list; at meetings I witnessed, interpreters were provided. This is self-government, where decisions for the village are taken by the village or region. If decisions cannot be made solely at the local level, representatives attend town or regional assemblies, but these representatives remain accountable to the communal level and may only offer views that are approved locally. It is a very deliberate attempt to keep decision-making as local as possible – a rejection of the top-down authority of the state.

Ironically, however, the inspiration for the revolution was very much top-down. Abdullah Öcalan, the leader of the PKK (the Kurdish guerrilla movement in Turkey), read Murray Bookchin’s works while in a Turkish jail on an island in the Sea of Marmara (where he remains). Once a Marxist-Leninist and a ruthless military leader, Öcalan became convinced that self-government without the state was the way forward for the Kurdish people. He moulded Bookchin’s philosophy for the Kurdish context, calling it “democratic confederalism”. The Syrian Kurdish PYD is closely associated with the PKK. Following Öcalan, its cadres adopted democratic confederalism and implemented it in Syria.

Some have accused the PYD of domineering tactics, particularly at the start of this democratic revolution. Such conduct has given room for critics unreasonably to dismiss the whole project. From what I saw, this political transformation enjoyed widespread support from all: Kurds, Arabs, women and men, young and old. Why wouldn’t it? The whole point is to give everyone a say in their own government – a radical innovation anywhere, let alone in Syria, a country long accustomed to dictatorship and repression. I spoke to many people at random. They were uniformly positive, and many argued that the Rojava model, of highly decentralised government, should be adopted in the whole of Syria and indeed beyond. But it’s also a work in progress. In some of the assemblies I attended, women and men sat separately, a mark of the journey from traditional practice that this revolution is still navigating.

The revolution has suffered considerable assault. Turkey opposes Rojava and has prevented all supplies, trade and humanitarian aid from crossing its border into the region. Today, Turkish forces are attacking the predominantly Kurdish Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), which subsumes the YPG/YPJ and Arab militias into a common anti-ISIS front. The SDF has been the most effective force in fighting ISIS and has driven it back across hundreds of miles of territory, at the cost of thousands of lives. Now, the SDF – led by a woman commander, Rojda Felat – has started the attack on ISIS’s “capital”, Raqqa. The SDF currently enjoys US and allied military support, primarily from the air but also from American and allied special forces on the ground.

https://oembed.vice.com/m6H7aDO?playerjs=true&img=1&lazy=1&v=1&app=1

Therefore, US and indeed western governments are involved in a grotesque contradiction in which they permit NATO “partner” Turkey to attack the SDF – their most important ally in the fight against ISIS – while also proclaiming unyielding commitment to defeating ISIS. Thanks to an almost total absence of press coverage, this absurdity attracts no controversy in western capitals. Kurds worry, with reason, that once Raqqa falls the US will abandon the Kurds to Turkish aggression. Indeed, with Turkish attacks against the SDF intensifying in northern Syria in a canton called Afrin, some argue that this betrayal has already begun.

The hypocrisies of international geopolitical manoeuvring, however, should not obscure the importance of the Rojava democratic revolution. Thanks to its horrific tactics, ISIS attracts the attention, but in fact it is Rojava that carries the more important message for those who care about democracy. Rojava offers an alternative and practical example where the people are in charge, and it works. Rather than replicate the disastrous centralised governments of Iraq and Assad’s Syria, Rojava’s self-governing institutions have proposed their model for the whole of Syria once the Assad dictatorship comes to an end – and indeed, Rojava has renamed itself the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria in order to emphasise its multi-ethnic character and its acceptance of Syria’s existing borders, another divergence from the lazy western presumption that “the Kurds” want their own separate state.

But thanks to Turkish hostility, representatives of the Democratic Federation are excluded from the UN talks about the future of Syria – an injustice in which the US, UK and others acquiesce. The UN continues to pretend that “the Kurds” are represented by a party that is in fact a proxy of the KRG in Iraq. It is telling that international officials – mostly men who have never visited the area – still prefer outdated ethnic stereotypes to the more accurate cosmopolitan and feminist character of this project.

Meanwhile, the Rojava model is no less relevant in the west, where few can claim that democracy is in good health, with disillusionment and right-wing reactionary extremism – and, indeed, overt hostility to women (expressed not only by Donald Trump) – both ascendant. There are scores of westerners who, like the International Brigade of the Republican forces in Spain, have gone to join YPG and YPJ ranks. Several have lost their lives, including in recent days a former Occupy Wall Street activist from New York City. Some of these brave men and women have been prosecuted on their return home, punished for their commitment to democracy and equality. All suffer from the misrepresentation of their struggle in much of the international press. In reporting the death of the young Occupy activist, the Washington Post described the Rojava revolution as “pseudo-Marxist”, when it is the very opposite. In this democracy, there is no place for the state, at all. The people govern, the antithesis of state communism.

The author, Carne Ross, and Viyan who his film is dedicated to

Thousands of YPG and YPJ fighters have died for this cause. During my visit, I met Viyan, a young woman YPJ soldier, on the front line – a huge gravel berm that stretched from horizon to horizon across a barren plain in southern Syria. ISIS positions were a few hundred metres away. A rifle over her shoulder, she told me that never before in her country, or the region, had women been equal to men. Without equality for women, there could be no justice in society. She was prepared to die to defend this dispensation. Tragically, Viyan was killed several months after our interview, fighting ISIS in the town of Al-Shaddadi.

Our film about the search for a better democracy is dedicated to her.

Carne Ross’s documentary film, Accidental Anarchist, is available to watch on iPlayer. This article represents his personal views only.

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Do not abandon us now, Kurdish leader tells the West as Isil battle draws to a close

Ilham Ahmed has called on the British government not to abandon its Kurdish allies

Children of foreign Isil members risk becoming the next generation of jihadists if they are left in Syria, a senior Kurdish official has warned.

Unrepentant parents, such as Shamima Begum, could radicalise their children in sprawling Syrian desert camps, where security forces could lose track of them.

Ilham Ahmed, co chair of the Syrian Democratic Council, the political wing of the Syrian Democratic Forces, said Britain must repatriate citizens who traveled to Syria or be prepared to commit “significant” resources to trying and detaining them in Syria.

“Them remaining in our area is a huge liability,” she told the Telegraph.

“We have fulfilled our duties. We have captured them and we have held them. We are now making sure they don’t escape,” said Ms Ahmed.

“Here in the West you have all the opportunities to try them. You have courts, you have the laws, you have prisons. All the means to give these people a trial and convict them… on behalf of these governments that these people are citizens of, ” said Ms Ahmed.

Shamina Begum, right, has said she does not regret joining Islamic State

About 4,000 women and children from Isil families are currently being held in camps by the SDF, including Ms Begum, the 19-year-old from Bethnal Green who has said she has no regrets about joining the terror group.

Ms Ahmad said Ms Begum’s attitude was typical of many detainees.

“The majority of them say that – that they don’t have any regrets. And you can see that in the way they raise their children: they raise them in the ideology of Isil, and they still think that ideology is correct,” she said in an interview in London.

“That’s why it is not just enough to take these people back. They also need to be treated. The children, they need special care. So do the mothers.”

“The alternative would be that we receive a lot of support and assistance in trying these people in our region, in terms of courts, in turns of legal procedures and so on.”

Donald Trump, the US president, last week called on European governments to repatriate an estimated 800 foreign members of Isil who have been taken prisoner in Syria.

A Syrian Democratic Forces fighter walks down an empty street in As Susah, a town destroyed in fighting with Isil Credit: Chris McGrath/ Getty Images Europe

But Theresa May’s spokesman rebuffed the American suggestion on Monday, saying the fighters should be put on trial in places where they committed their crimes.

“Foreign fighters should be brought to justice in accordance with due legal process in the most appropriate jurisdiction,” Downing Street said. “Where possible, this should be in the region where the crimes had been committed.”

France and Germany have also rejected the idea, citing the difficulty of securing sufficient evidence and witness testimony to guarantee prosecutions.

Isil’s last redoubt in the eastern Syrian village of Baguz is expected to fall to the SDF and coalition forces imminently. Ms Ahmed is one of a number of senior Kurdish leaders taking part in a diplomatic blitz to convince Western governments not to abandon the SDF when it does.

They fear Mr Trump’s announcement in December that he will withdraw US forces from Syria will open space for a resurgence of Isil sleeper cells and allow Turkey to launch an attack on Kurdish forces.

“We do not even want to talk about the prospect of withdrawal without security guarantees,” she said. “We want aerial protection so there are no airstrikes. And we’d like to see observation on the border. We are concerned about a Turkish military attack.”

“We are now experiencing the last days before the announcement of the end of the operation. But after that we expect to begin a new process of getting rid of these sleeper cells and getting rid of other elements of Isil, and for that we will continue to need support,” she went on.

“In Raqqa there are daily explosions, kidnappings, and violence. Likewise in Deir Ezzor. So these things are still happening.”

Turkey considers the YPG, the Kurdish armed group that forms the core of the SDF, a terrorist organisation.

In December, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the president of Turkey, threatened to launch a military operation to “wipe out terror groups east of the Euphrates.”

Ms Ahmed said Mr Trump had been supportive about the idea of a security zone when she met him in January, but that he had not mentioned any details. Kurdish leaders have rejected a proposal for a Turkish-controlled 30 kilometre “security area” inside Syria.

Turkey is a key Nato member and regional power, putting the United States and other coalition members, including Britain, in the uncomfortable position of choosing between two allies.

Ms Ahmed said the SDF could seek accommodation with Bashar al-Assad’s government and his Russian allies if Western coalition partners fail to guarantee security against potential Turkish attack.

“One solution could be regional protection forces in the north could become part of a new Syrian army – and note that I said ‘new’ Syrian army. It could not be under the current status quo, but if there is a new structure within the framework of a political solution.

“In the light of sudden announcements of withdrawals, without guarantees, without leaving us any kind of means to do things another way, this could be a solution,” she said.

Such an arrangement could be part of a proposed post-war constitutional settlement that Kurdish groups have drawn up as the fighting in Syria draws to a close.

Under the plan, powers would be devolved to the regions, and local parliaments would have representatives in Damascus. The rights of minorities and gender equality would be written into the constitution and Assad’s fate would be decided by an election.

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Syrian Kurdish leader: border force needed to protect us from Turkey

Ilham Ahmed says Kurds want allies from anti-Isis coalition on border to ensure Turkey does not attack

Patrick Wintour Diplomatic editor

The co-chair of the Syrian Democratic Council, Ilham Ahmed, is currently leading a Kurdish delegation to Washington DC, Paris and London. Photograph: Hussein Malla/AP

The leader of the Syrian Kurds has called for a small international observer force to be stationed on the Turkey-Syria border to protect Kurds from what she says is the threat of crimes against humanity committed by Turkish forces.

Ilham Ahmed is co-chair of the Syrian Democratic Council – the political arm of the US-backed and Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), which have been responsible for liberating much of north-eastern Syria from Islamic State.

Described as one of the most powerful women in Syria, Ahmed is leading a Kurdish delegation touring Washington, Paris and London to persuade western countries not to betray the Kurds by leaving them exposed to the threat of a Turkish attack.

Ahmed said a final SDF assault on the last Isis redoubt would finish within days. Plans requiring “time and patience” were being drawn up to eradicate sleeper cells, she said.

She was speaking in the wake of the shock announcement by Donald Trump that 2,000 US troops will leave north-west Syria on the basis that Isis had been defeated.

US troops were supporting Kurdish fighters against Isis in northern Syria. Photograph: Delil Souleiman/AFP/Getty Images

Ankara views the Kurdish forces in Syria as a terrorist threat and an extension of the Kurdish separatist movement within Turkey’s own borders.

The Turkish president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, has repeatedly warned America that a Turkish military operation against the US-backed Kurdish People’s Protection Units (YPG) in Manbij is near. “Our patience is not limitless, he said over the weekend. “If the terrorists are not removed from Manbij within a few weeks, our waiting period will end.”

Ahmed said: “After all that has happened, if there is an attack, we will regard those that remain silent in the face of those threats as guilty of crimes against humanity.

“It is not just there will no longer be any trust in the coalition forces who we have fought alongside, and that their credibility will have been lost forever. It will mean the emergence of very big wars in this area.

“Any attempt by the Turkish state to establish a safe zone in the north of Syria will be an occupation, and no matter that the Turkish state wants to convince others that it will be a force for calm in the region, this is not what will happen.

“We saw this in Afrin last year as they tried to erase our culture and remove people from their homes. Huge massacres have been committed by the Turks. A further attack will only bring more war, displacement, occupation and an attempt to destroy our culture.”

An international protection force would provide aerial defence, she said, but “we would like to see an international power on the border as observers to ensure that Turkey does not attack”.

The force would be composed of “states that have actively participated in the war against IS, and the UN should also play a role”, she said. She added discussions were continuing now on the size and composition of the force, but it could be a symbolic number.

She also said Kurds were willing to put foreign fighters on trial in Kurdish Syria if they were given major international support on the legal procedures. “It would be better if they were tried in their own countries,” she added.

She said 800 to 900 Isis foreign fighters were currently held in prison by the Kurds and about 4,000 wives and children in refugee camps. She said: “We have not said we will let the fighters go, but if the Turks attack then it is true we will be fighting for our own existence and it is possible we may not be able to keep them under control and they may return to Europe. That is also at stake when we talk about an attack by the Turkish state.”

Ahmed denied the Kurds were actively discussing forming a security alliance of convenience with the Syrian president, Bashar al-Assad, if the West decided it could not protect the Kurds from a Turkish assault.

“The regime has shown no signs of interest in a meaningful dialogue with us about Syria’s future,” she said.

Any such dialogue would require a change by the regime, including agreement to a political solution about the future of a federated and unified Syria.

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America’s Kurdish allies risk being wiped out – by Nato

David Graeber

Turkey is seen as the Kurds’ mortal enemy but it uses German tanks and British helicopters: this is an international outrage

Kobane, Syria, March 2015. A member of the Women’s Protection Unit defends the city. Photograph: Maryam Ashrafi/The Guardian Foundation

Remember those plucky Kurdish forces who so heroically defended the Syrian city of Kobane from Isis? They risk being wiped out by Nato.

The autonomous Kurdish region of Rojava in Northeast Syria, which includes Kobane, faces invasion. A Nato army is amassing on the border, marshaling all the overwhelming firepower and high-tech equipment that only the most advanced military forces can deploy. The commander in chief of those forces says he wants to return Rojava to its “rightful owners” who, he believes, are Arabs, not Kurds.

Last spring, this leader made similar declarations about the westernmost Syrian Kurdish district of Afrin. Following that, the very same Nato army, using German tanks and British helicopter gunships, and backed by thousands of hardcore Islamist auxiliaries, overran the district. According to Kurdish news agencies, the invasion led to over a 100,000 Kurdish civilians being driven out of Afrin entirely. They reportedly employed rape, torture and murder as systematic means of terror. That reign of terror continues to this day. And the commander and chief of this Nato army has suggested that he intends to do to the rest of North Syria what he did to Afrin.

I am speaking, of course, of president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, who is, increasingly, Turkey’s effective dictator. But it’s crucial to emphasize that these are Nato forces. This not only means they are supplied with state-of-the-art weaponry; it also means those weapons are being maintained by other Nato members.

Fighter jets, helicopter gunships, even Turkey’s German-supplied Panzer forces – they all degrade extremely quickly under combat conditions. The people who continually inspect, maintain, repair, replace, and provide them with spare parts tend to be contractors working for American, British, German or Italian firms. Their presence is critical because the Turkish military advantage over Northern Syria’s “People’s Defense Forces” (YPG) and “Women’s Defense Forces” (YPJ), those defenders of Kobane that Turkey has pledged to destroy, is entirely dependent on them.

That’s because, aside from its technological advantage, the Turkish army is a mess. Most of its best officers and even pilots have been in prison since the failed coup attempt in 2016, and it’s now being run by commanders chosen by political loyalty instead of competence. Rojava’s defenders, in contrast, are seasoned veterans. In a fair fight, they would have no more problem fending off a Turkish incursion than they had driving back Turkish-backed Jihadis in the past.

A “fair fight” in this case would mean having access to anti-tank and anti-air weapons. But this is precisely what the Trump administration promised Turkey it would not let the Kurds have. Even those forces directly working with the US and British troops to defeat Islamic State were never to receive the defensive weapons needed to fend off the Turkish air and armored assault that would inevitably follow – which, if Afrin is anything to go by, may be backed by napalm and cluster bombs.

The moment those forces are withdrawn, however, their former allies will be sitting ducks, unable to defend themselves against the advanced weaponry that Britain and the US themselves help provide to Turkey and maintain.

Typically, the western media treats Turkey as some kind of peculiar rogue state whose periodic outbursts of violence directed at Kurdish civilians – the bombing and destruction of its own south-eastern cities in 2015, the reported ethnic cleansing of Afrin, and the ongoing attacks on villages in Iraq – must be tolerated lest it aligns with enemies like Iran or Russia. Similarly, pundits and politicians seem to whistle and look the other way as Erdoğan arrests or jails tens of thousands of people, including teachers, journalists and elected parliamentarians for saying things he doesn’t like – or even when or even when he publicly declares that “no European in any part of the world can walk safely on the streets” if they defy him.

But Turkey is not a rogue state. Turkey is Nato. Its army guards Europe’s eastern flank. Its police and security forces are charged with halting the flow of refugees from Middle Eastern wars to Europe – which increasingly involves opening fire with machine guns on refugees at the border – a service for which it is paid millions of euros in direct compensation.

It is only because Turkey is a member of Nato that its government managed to have the Kurdish guerrillas of the PKK (the Kurdish Worker’s Party), the guerrilla insurgents that have been fighting for autonomy in south-east Turkey since the 1990s, placed on the “international terror list” in 2004, at precisely the moment the PKK renounced demands for a separate state and offensive operations and attempted to enter into peace negotiations. It should be noted that this “terror” designation applies almost exclusively among Nato countries; the PKK is certainly not listed as a “terror” organization by the United Nations, India, China or even Switzerland.

It is because Turkey is Nato that the western press has to take seriously its bizarre claims that the experiment in feminist democracy underway in Rojava is itself a form of “terrorism”.

It is because Turkey is Nato, and guards Europe’s borders, that the US and European powers looked the other way or even expressed support when its army descended on the hitherto peaceful enclave of Afrin, in violation of all international law. As the Turkish army did so, it suggested it would not just to ethnically cleanse the Kurdish population and put an end to their own experiment with feminist democracy, but also to use the district to resettle the families of the most avid Islamist rebels who might otherwise have migrated to Europe.

It is because Turkey is Nato that the western press feels obliged to play along with the charade that it is an enemy of Isis, despite endless evidence of active Turkish collaboration with Isis, and the fact, known to everyone in the region, that Turkish “offensives” against Isis in Syria have largely consisted of bribing Isis commanders to switch sides.

As a result, we are left with the bizarre spectacle of “former” al-Qaida and Isis Jihadis working with Erdogan to fight the YPG as part of a 100,000-strong mercenary force. In addition, men like Seyf Ebu Bekir, who was an Isis commander when it was carrying out its notorious Paris nightclub massacres, are now commanders in the Turkey-backed Free Syrian Army. For his part, Ebu Bekir has warned France not to interfere with Turkish plans to unleash Nato forces to destroy Isis’s old Kurdish arch-enemies.

If all this is difficult to comprehend, it’s partly because so many of us – including many who fancy themselves “anti-imperialists” – seem to have forgotten how empires actually work. The British empire didn’t send British troops into combat very often either. Nato powers are arming and maintaining the security forces of their official ally, Turkey, to fly its Nato planes and drive its Nato tanks and shoot at refugees, in the same way Turkey is reportedly employing al-Qaida and Isis legions to do its dirty work of human wave attacks and ethnic cleansing. We have defanged the terrorists by, effectively, putting them on retainer, in much the same way Rome once employed Alaric the Goth, or the US, Osama bin Laden. And we know how well that worked out.

There are alternatives. International powers could lift the de facto Nato embargo that prevents the forces that defeated Isis from defending themselves. There are calls for an international no-fly zone, preferably on the authority of the UN security council, enforced by a country other than America – possibly France, or even Russia. This too would allow the YPG/J to fight on equal terms. Rojava’s defenders are perfectly capable of fending off the Turkish army if that army’s high tech advantage is neutralized.

In the long run, the Turkish government needs to stop reacting to those who have a different vision of how life could be lived by trying to murder them, and return to the peace table. The same could be said for Syria, where Rojava’s decentralized model could be key to resolving the conflict.

But for now, we need an urgent response to the risk faced by Kurds in Rojava. The situation is growing more dire by the day – and it is quite possible that Nato will soon conduct one of the worst genocidal massacres of the 21st century.

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martyrs

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US-backed forces ready to form international safe zone to protect all ethnic groups

Wladimir van Wilgenburg |

January 16-2019 05:56 PM

US-backed forces ready to form international safe zone to protect all ethnic groups

SDF spokesperson Kino Gabriel reads a statement at a base in rural Deir al-Zor province, Syria, Sept. 11, 2018. (Photo: SDF Press)

ERBIL (Kurdistan 24) – The US-backed, Syrian Kurdish-led forces say they are ready to help form an international-backed safe zone in northern Syria as long as there is no “foreign intervention,” in reference to a possible Turkish incursion.

In a statement on Wednesday, the General Command of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) said they would “offer all the support and necessary aid to form the safe zone that is being circulated regarding the north and east of Syria.”

The statement said the safe zone would “ensure the protection of all ethnic groups and [protect] them from dangers of extermination through an international guarantee.”

It added that the safe zone would prevent foreign intervention by Turkey through “the protection of the components of the region and… factors of security and stability.”

According to the SDF, it has never posted “an external threat factor against any of the neighboring countries, especially Turkey, with which we hope to reach mutual understandings and solutions which would ensure the continued stability and security in the border regions (with it).”

The SDF statement added that since its establishment they had exerted all efforts to combat terrorism, including against the Islamic State and other radical organizations.

“We have achieved great successes in these difficult and painstaking missions, through work and coordination with our partners in the international coalition led by the United States.”

Different ethnic groups such as Kurds, Arabs, Turkmen, and Assyrians inhabit Syria’s northeast. Moreover, there are also Muslims, Christians, Yezidi’s, and other religious minorities living in the area.

According to the SDF, their primary task is to protect all ethnic components in northeast Syria. “We could almost say that our region is the only region in which all components of Syria coexist,” it stated.

On Monday, US President Donald Trump suggested in a tweet that a 20-mile “safe zone” would be created in northeastern Syria. A day later, his Turkish counterpart, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, said Ankara would set up a security zone some 30-kilometers (18 miles) deep into northeastern Syria in coordination with Washington.

However, top Syrian Kurdish official Aldar Xelil told ANHA news agency that the Kurdish self-administration would not accept a Turkish-controlled safe zone.

“We would not accept that. We can accept a security area under the auspices of the UN,” but not Ankara, Xelil emphasized.

On Jan. 2, the chair of the German Parliament’s Foreign Affairs Committee argued that the UN should create a buffer zone to protect Syria’s Kurdish population.

Roderich Kiesewetter, a member of the ruling Christian Democratic Union (CDU) party, told German media outlet Deutschlandfunk in an interview that France and Germany could propose this idea in a UN Security Council meeting.

Meanwhile, Ibrahim Murad, the representative of the self-administration of North and East Syria in Germany, told Kurdistan 24 in early January that the international community should establish a no-fly zone.

“We hope the international states like the US, France, Germany, and the UK will prevent [a Turkish attack] and create a no-fly zone area for the people,” Murad said. “This would help us eradicate ISIS and find a solution to the Syrian conflict.”

Editing by Karzan Sulaivany

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Turkey rejects Trump adviser John Bolton’s Syria plan, insisting it will fight Kurdish militia

‘John Bolton made a serious mistake on this issue. Whoever thinks like that is making a mistake,’ says Recep Tayyip Erdogan

Borzou Daragahi Istanbul The Independent

Hardline White House national security adviser John Bolton’s last-ditch attempt to secure his faction’s goals for a planned US withdrawal from Syria appeared to go down in flames on Tuesday as Turkey’s president rejected any protection for the Washington-allied Kurdish militia, and even refused to meet with the firebrand conservative.

Instead, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan took to the floor of parliament in Ankara, announcing that Turkish armed forces had “mostly completed our preparations for a military offensive against” Isis elements in Syria as per an agreement with US president Donald Trump forged last month.

“Likewise, we are determined to take our steps against terror organisations such as the PYD/YPG [Kurdish People’s Democratic Union and its allied militia and political organisation in Syria] along with Daesh [Isis],” he said. “We will act to neutralise those terror organisations in Syria very soon.”

Mr Bolton, a Washington fixture known for his hawkish foreign policy positions, arrived in Ankara with his own travelling press in an apparent attempt to convince Turkey to avoid attacking Syrian Kurds. He has also demanded that any US withdrawal be conditioned on Iranian-backed forces leaving Syria, and steps put in place for the political change in Damascus.

Instead, Mr Bolton left Ankara without even meeting Mr Erdogan, who was cited by the pro-government Daily Sabah newspaper as insisting “his busy schedule prevented him from meeting” Mr Bolton, whose public positions have contradicted those of his boss and US secretary of state Mike Pompeo, who is also visiting the Middle East.

Mr Bolton and anti-Isis envoy Jim Jeffrey, arriving after a visit to Israel, met privately with Mr Erdogan’s senior adviser Ibrahim Kalin, who helped organise a 14 December phone call in which Mr Trump agreed to withdraw 2,000 or more US troops from Syria and hand control of anti-Isis efforts to Turkey.

Meanwhile, Mr Erdogan publicly hammered Mr Bolton.

“It is not possible for us to accept and swallow the message that Bolton gave from Israel,” he told lawmakers. Turkey, along with most independent analysts and US intelligence agencies, considers the YPG inseparable from the Kurdistan Workers Party, or PKK, an outlawed separatist organisation deemed a terrorist group by Ankara, the US and Europe.

“If the US evaluates them as ‘Kurdish brothers’ then they are in a serious delusion,” Mr Erdogan said, in a televised speech interrupted by chants of “allahu akbar”, or God is great, by supporters. “John Bolton made a serious mistake on this issue. Whoever thinks like that is making a mistake.”

Many have voiced doubt over Turkey’s ability to fight Isis in Syria without continuing US air and intelligence support. But in a New York Times opinion piece published on Monday, Mr Erdogan spelt out Turkey’s plans for Isis-controlled Syria, noting that Turkish troops and allied local fighters left northern Syrian towns they liberated from extremists in far better shape than the US aerial bombardments that destroyed Raqqa and Mosul in their efforts to dislodge the jihadi group in 2017 and 2018.

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YPG: 2422 Turkish soldiers and mercenaries killed in 2018

YPG Press Office announced that 2422 members of the occupant Turkish army and allied mercenaries were killed during 2018 while 544 YPG fighters were martyred.

ANF
NEWS DESK
Thursday, 3 Jan 2019, 16:30

The Press Office of People’s Defense Units (YPG) released the balance sheet of resistance for 2018.

Full text of the YPG statement is as follows;

“People of Kurdistan, who have been fighting the good fight to protect basic values of humanity and particularly of the peoples of middle east, have again spearheaded the fight against evil in form of ISIS recently. Our people and fighters have fought have been fighting against ISIS barbarism and Turkish invasion and putting up a legendary resistance.

Our struggle today has turned into a legendary resistance which includes hundreds of internationalist fighters from all over the world and is ensuring co-existence of peoples in North Syria and Rojava Kurdistan. 2018 has become a year in which our struggle made a great progress and came to a prominence in region. At a time ISIS is on the brink of collapse, our people had to fight against invasion attempts by Turkey. The outcome of the battles and resistance by our fighters throughout the year is s follows;

1- Outcome of the resistance of Afrin which began on July 20 and ended in March 18

Airstrikes: 1098

Heavy weapons attacks: between 3577 and 4000

Engagement: 900

Operations with unclear results: 176

Destroyed military vehicles and aircrafts: 2 combat helicopters, 2 unmanned aerial vehicles, 122 military vehicles, 2 car bombs, 1 motorcycle

Damaged military vehicles: 32 (tanks, APCs, armoured vehicles)

Civilians killed: 224 (51 children, 42 women)

Civilians injured: 650 (87 children, 93 women)

Killed Turkish soldiers and mercenaries: 2422

544 fighters were martyred during the resistance as result of intense airstrikes and engagements with the occupying forces.

2- Outcome of the second phase of resistance of Afrin, which began on March 18, is as follows

Our units in Afrin have carried out 147 operations against Turkish invasion army and its jihadist proxies. As result of assassination, raid, ambush and bombing actions;

– 350 terrorists have been killed (65 Turkish soldiers and 258 mercenaries)

– 18 AK-47, 1 MG-3 machine gun, 2 pistols along with a large amount of ammunition have been captured

– The results of 5 operations couldn’t be clarified

– 36 military vehicles, 1 APC, 1 pick-up, 3 motorcycles, 1 HQ and T55 tank were destroyed; 4 military vehicles have been damaged

– Turkish invasion army has carried out large scale combing operations with the participation of hundreds of its mercenaries and under protection of air cover in Afrin 13 times. All of the operations have been retreated without achieving any results.

– Since March 18, 56 fighters, including 16 fighters of YPJ, were martyred in airstrikes. 1 of our fighters was injured and another fighter was captured in a state of being heavily injured.

3- During 2018, occupying Turkish army attacked the bases and positions of our fighters and civilian settlements, violating the borders.

– Turkish invasion army has attacked positions of our fighters and civilian settlements 53 times

– 13 civilians (3 children) were injured, 2 civilians (1 child) were killed in the attacks.

– 2 Sanadid forces fighters, 2 Self Defense forces fighters and 2 journalists were injured.

– An UAV of Turkish army was captured by our fighters in Kobani.

– Our forces retaliated to all the attacks according to engagement rules and legitimate self defense. 2 soldiers were killed in operations by our forces.

4- During 2018, counter-terrorism units (YAT) have carried out 45 operations against ISIS and other sleeper cells across Rojava and northern Syria. Special Operation Teams have also conducted 590 operations.

– 107 ISIS terrorists including 5 foreigners were captured in the operations

– 204 ISIS members, including 2 leaders and 31 terrorists of other sleeper cells that were preparing for attacks were killed.

– 161 ISIS members were injured

– 55 attacks were foiled

– 6 Yazidi women and a child were rescued from ISIS

– 25 vehicles and a motorcycle were destroyed, 8 vehicles were damaged

– Our units have confiscated a large amount of explosive, 1345 mines, 2 car bombs, 35 missiles, 3 tank shells, 11 mortars and their shells, 126 SPG-9 shells, 575 AK-47, 3 LAV weapons and 2 rockets, 3 12.7mm DShK machine guns, 6 14.5mm ZPU machine guns, M2 Browning ammunition, 6 A4, 40 BKC, 12 Dragunov sbiper rifles, 15 G3 rifles, 17 M16 rifles, 27 RPG and 267 warheads, 1004 grenades, 121 suicide vests, 7 binoculars, 11 pistols and their ammunition, 4 radio devices, 19 cell phones.

5- 2018 has been a long year with resistance and fierce battles across Rojava and northern Syria. 894 fighters were martyred during 2018; 600 in Afrin, 201 during operation Jazeera Storm, 61 as result of traffic and other accidents, 20 as result of illness, 7 during mine clearing operations in Raqqa and due to attacks by Turkish invasion army on borders 5 of our comrades were martyred.”

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“Stand Together Outside the State”: Int. Commune of Rojava Interview

It’s Going Down

–

December 31, 2018

1001

The Rojavan Revolution has inspired us over the years; from the fierce resistance to ISIS and Turkish fascism, to its rejection of patriarchy and statism. But with the US saying that it will soon be pulling out of the region, many are left wondering what the future holds for the autonomous territories. Wanting to know more, we spoke with someone from Internationalist Commune, the authors of the Resistance is Life column here on IGD, to learn more.

IGD: What are your thoughts on the US withdrawing from Syria?

IC: When the news of Trump’s decision broke, many of us internationalists in Rojava were frantically checking the news, scrambling to prepare new work, calling one another up and discussing what this would mean for the millions of civilians here, for the future of the revolution – for our lives.

I noticed that our Kurdish comrades reacted differently. They felt angry and betrayed, of course. But to them it was also something expected. The Kurdish freedom movement has 40 years’ experience of armed struggle against a ruthlessly self-serving capitalist state under the NATO banner, and the Kurdish people have known nothing but betrayal for centuries.

They never relied on anything but the strength and resilience of the Kurdish movement. This decision which shocked the world was met with a new surge of pride in what has been won here at such enormous cost. This is the attitude we must take forward into the coming struggle.

IGD: Is the US actively working with the Turkish State?

IC: A lot of media effort has been expended on which imperial powers are the ‘winners’ and ‘losers’ in the situation here though it changes every day, what the ‘Kurds’ ridiculously taken as a homogenous mass stand to gain, above all what Putin stands to gain from it all.

Some such analyses – like this from Lower Class Magazine – give an excellent picture of how the Kurdish movement has exploited the faultlines opened by the global power struggle between imperial powers, and how it now faces a severe test of its strength as these interests realign against the democratic-confederalist project.

But I have no special insight into what has been said behind closed doors in the last days and years between the various imperialist forces vying to suck the life out of this land. The Americans did what they did. Now our task is clear: to resist the massacre Turkey is threatening by any means necessary.

IGD: Many people are afraid that ISIS will join with Turkish forces and attack Rojavan territories, as it did in the invasion of Afrin. How has the YPG/YPJ responded to this reality?

A couple of days ago, false news was once again released by world news agencies, spreading the propaganda statements of imperialist forces as though they were objective fact – this time, that the Syrian state army had entered into the center of the city of Manbij. When this news arrived in Manbij, the response of the local population was not to panic or flee but to flood en mass into the city center, singing the songs of the Kurdish resistance.

This is the crucial point. Not only the Kurdish-led YPG and YPJ, but also Arab, Turkmen and Assyrian Christian militias united with YPG/J under the banner of the Syrian Democratic Forces are ready to fight Turkey every inch of the way. Turkey talks of making a so-called “security belt” which would obliterate all of the major cities in Rojava, where millions of people have been making a free and democratic life together under constant threat of Turkey’s cowardly carpet-bombing war. YPG/J is a people’s army and the people will never accept the destruction of their homes, their communes, all that has been created here.

If the Turkish state really does launch a full-scale assault, it will take nothing short of genocide to drive the people from these lands. But as we have seen time and again, the Turkish state is quite capable of such atrocities. Tens of thousands of martyrs have given their lives for this revolution. Whether tens of thousands more must also die remains to be seen.

IGD: Many people in the US and beyond have wondered what to do in light of the current situation. Should we be calling on the US not to leave or should we be finding material ways to support?

IC: It is right that the American people, in particular, rise up against this cowardly decision by their leader. But as internationalists we must stand together outside these lines of state force, with the tireless conviction of our Kurdish comrades.

To be precise: we need serious anti-fascist mobilization against entities linked to Turkish power and interests at home in the West. We need that 3.5 billion dollar Patriot missile sale to Turkey, made in the days before Trump told Erdogan he was pulling out, to be taken down as a message to the Turkish state. We need comrades and journalists to travel here and put their lives on the line.

This revolution’s survival will not be ensured by begging western governments for favors. But the burden on the shoulders of the Kurdish liberation movement will be lightened when Turkey is made accountable for its atrocities, when it is made impossible for other capitalist states to make their dirty deals with this war-criminal state.

IGD: What things are Internationalist Commune working on in the midst of this reality?

IC: Our main focus now is on spreading the news of what is happening and may happen here, seizing back the narrative from our enemies. So much of what is written and said about here, even by our supporters, is framed as though Rojava is a black box about whose people and material reality nothing can be known, just another pawn on the chessboard middle-east.

“we are working together with Kurdish and other local comrades in the media structures here to counter Turkish propaganda and spread the truth of the revolution as best we can.”

As the internationalist commune, we feel a responsibility to combat this, and to make what is happening here and how it will affect millions of real, struggling people if Turkey does invade. We want to bring their voices and the message of the Kurdish liberation movement into the west.

The Turkish state employs a cyber-army of 6,000 social media trolls disseminating their propaganda, and spends millions on lobbying foreign governments each year. Sometimes it can feel like all we have to counter this is a handful of comrades with limited media experience and a few busted-up laptops. But we are working together with Kurdish and other local comrades in the media structures here to counter Turkish propaganda and spread the truth of the revolution as best we can.

IGD: What are some key news sources/website people can follow to get news on the unfolding situation?

IC: We will share as much as we can from our facebook at Internationalist Commune, twitter @communeint and website internationalistcommune.com.

For in-depth analyses in touch with the thought of the Kurdish movement, the Komun Academy website is great. The Region is another site whose reports are generally in touch with what’s going on here and can put them in a larger political perspective.

If you follow the Kurdish academic Dilar Derik (DilAr on Facebook), you will see a lot of well-selected articles and analyses. Dr. Hawzhin Azeez on Twitter here is another example of this.

If you’re looking for a journalist external for the movement who has up-to-date and accurate information and understands what’s going on here better than most, Wladimir Van Wilgenburg (@vvanwilgenburg) is a prolific and useful source.

A few other accounts on the ground in Rojava who are in touch with what’s going on here: @zana_med (especially good and will debunk incorrect information when it’s spread), @HosengHesen, @riseupforafrin, @starcongress.

IGD: Anything else you’d like to add or touch on?

IC: We think it is vital that Turkey’s coming assault is not understood as ‘just another part of the Syrian Civil War’, as it is currently being discussed in our voyeuristic yet ultimately weary and disinterested mainstream press. The death of any civilian anywhere in Syria is a tragedy, of course. But what is happening here is far larger than that.

“The choice between socialism and barbarism was never more stark than here and now.”

Total war against Rojava would not just be the crushing of the revolution here, but of forty years’ ceaseless toil under circumstances of brutal repression across all four parts of Kurdistan. This is a war against the woman, against the right of all peoples to self-determination, against one of the world’s only flames of resistance against state-capitalist might. The choice between socialism and barbarism was never more stark than here and now.

Comrades, with pride in our own strength and knowledge that we are stronger still together, knowing that our enemies are strong but knowing too that they can never grasp the strength and beauty of solidarity forged in resistance, we ask for your support.

REVOLUTION IN ROJAVA – Documents and Debates Part III 2018

Posted on 2 January 2018 by huddsludds

2018 ends on an ominous note for Rojava. Betrayed by the United States, Turkish invasion seems inevitable. Can it be averted, except at the cost of other tenuous alliances between the Kurds and the Syrian regime or even Russia ? Of course, there is one solution. If the Kurdistan Regional Government supported their fellow Kurds in Rojava instead of Turkey any impending invasion could be blocked, since Turkey would hesitate to become entangled with the Pesh Merga and make an enemy of the KRG who it needs as a counterweight to the Iraqi government. But, as ever, power, money and trade mean more to the KDP than real Kurdish freedom

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The Threat to Rojava

An Anarchist in Syria Speaks on the Real Meaning of Trump’s Withdrawal

Following Donald Trump’s surprise announcement that he is withdrawing US troops from Syria, we’ve received the following message from an anarchist in Rojava, spelling out what this means for the region and what the stakes are on a global scale. For background, consult our earlier articles, “Understanding the Kurdish Resistance” and “The Struggle Is not for Martyrdom but for Life.”

I’m writing from Rojava. Full disclosure: I didn’t grow up here and I don’t have access to all the information I would need to tell you what is going to happen next in this part of the world with any certainty. I’m writing because it is urgent that you hear from people in northern Syria about what Trump’s “troop withdrawal” really means for us—and it’s not clear how much time we have left to discuss it. I approach this task with all the humility at my disposal.

I’m not formally integrated into any of the groups here. That makes it possible for me to speak freely, but I should emphasize that my perspective doesn’t represent any institutional position. If nothing else, this should be useful as a historical document indicating how some people here understood the situation at this point in time, in case it becomes impossible to ask us later on.

Trump’s decision to withdraw troops from Syria is not an “anti-war” or “anti-imperialist” measure. It will not bring the conflict in Syria to an end. On the contrary, Trump is effectively giving Turkish President Tayyip Erdoğan the go-ahead to invade Rojava and carry out ethnic cleansing against the people who have done much of the fighting and dying to halt the rise of the Islamic State (ISIS). This is a deal between strongmen to exterminate the social experiment in Rojava and consolidate authoritarian nationalist politics from Washington, DC to Istanbul and Kobane. Trump aims to leave Israel the most ostensibly liberal and democratic project in the entire Middle East, foreclosing the possibilities that the revolution in Rojava opened up for this part of the world.

All this will come at a tremendous cost. As bloody and tragic as the Syrian civil war has already been, this could open up not just a new chapter of it, but a sequel.

This is not about where US troops are stationed. The two thousand US soldiers at issue are a drop in the bucket in terms of the number of armed fighters in Syria today. They have not been on the frontlines of the fighting the way that the US military was in Iraq.¹ The withdrawal of these soldiers is not the important thing here. What matters is that Trump’s announcement is a message to Erdoğan indicating that there will be no consequences if the Turkish state invades Rojava.

There’s a lot of confusion about this, with supposed anti-war and “anti-imperialist” activists like Medea Benjamin endorsing Donald Trump’s decision, blithely putting the stamp of “peace” on an impending bloodbath and telling the victims that they should have known better. It makes no sense to blame people here in Rojava for depending on the United States when neither Medea Benjamin nor anyone like her has done anything to offer them any sort of alternative.

While authoritarians of various stripes seek to cloud the issue, giving a NATO member a green light to invade Syria is what is “pro-war” and “imperialist.” Speaking as an anarchist, my goal is not to talk about what the US military should do. It is to discuss how US military policy impacts people and how we ought to respond. Anarchists aim to bring about the abolition of every state government and the disbanding of every state military in favor of horizontal forms of voluntary organization; but when we organize in solidarity with targeted populations such as those who are on the receiving end of the violence of ISIS and various state actors in this region, we often run into thorny questions like the ones I’ll discuss below.

The worst case scenario now is that the Turkish-backed Free Syrian Army (TFSA), backed by the Turkish military itself, will overrun Rojava and carry out ethnic cleansing on a level you likely cannot imagine. They’ve already done this on a small scale in Afrin. In Rojava, this would take place on a historic scale. It could be something like the Palestinian Nakba or the Armenian genocide.

I will try to explain why this is happening, why you should care about it, and what we can do about it together.

To understand what Trump and Erdoğan are doing, you have to understand the geography of the situation. This site is useful for keeping up with geographical shifts in the Syrian civil war.

First of All: About the Experiment in Rojava

The system in Rojava is not perfect. This is not the right place to air dirty laundry, but there are lots of problems. I’m not having the kind of experience here that Paul Z. Simons had some years ago, when his visit to Rojava made him feel that everything is possible. Years and years of war and militarization have taken their toll on the most exciting aspects of the revolution here. Still, these people are in incredible danger right now and the society they have built is worth defending.

What is happening in Rojava is not anarchy. All the same, women play a major role in society; there is basic freedom of religion and language; an ethnically, religiously, and linguistically diverse population lives side by side without any major acts of ethnic cleansing or conflict; it’s heavily militarized, but it’s not a police state; the communities are relatively safe and stable; there’s not famine or mass food insecurity; the armed forces are not committing mass atrocities. Every faction in this war has blood on its hands, but the People’s Protection Units (YPG/YPJ) have conducted themselves far more responsibly than any other side. They’ve saved countless lives—not just Kurds—in Sinjar and many other places. Considering the impossible conditions and the tremendous amount of violence that people here have been subjected to from all sides, that is an incredible feat. All this stands in stark contrast to what will happen if the Turkish state invades, considering that Trump has given Erdoğan the go-ahead in return for closing a massive missile sale.

It should go without saying that I don’t want to perpetuate an open-ended Bush-style “war on terror,” much less to participate in the sort of “clash of civilizations” between Islam and the West that bigots and fundamentalists of both stripes have been fantasizing about. On the contrary, that is precisely what we’re trying to prevent here. Most of the people Daesh [ISIS] have killed have been Muslim; most of the people who have died fighting Daesh have been Muslim. In Hajin, where I was stationed and where the last ISIS stronghold is, one of the internationals who has been fighting Daesh longest is an observant Muslim—not to speak of all the predominantly Arab fighters from Deir Ezzor there, most of whom are almost certainly Muslim as well.

The Factions

For the sake of brevity, I’ll oversimplify and say that today, there are roughly five sides in the Syrian civil war: loyalist, Turkish, jihadi, Kurdish,² and rebel.³ At the conclusion of this text, an appendix explores the narratives that characterize each of these sides.

Each of these sides stands in different relation to the others. I’ll list the relations of each group to the others, starting with the other group that they are most closely affiliated with and ending with the groups they are most opposed to:

Loyalist: Kurdish, Turkish, jihadi, rebel

Rebel: Turkish, jihadi, Kurdish, loyalist

Turkish: rebel, jihadi, loyalist, Kurdish

Kurdish: loyalist, rebel, Turkish, jihadi

Jihadi: rebel, Turkish, Kurdish and loyalist

This may be helpful in visualizing which groups could be capable of compromising and which are irreversibly at odds. Again, remember, I am generalizing a lot.

I want to be clear that each of these groups is motivated by a narrative that contains at least some kernel of truth. For example, in regards to the question of who is to blame for the rise of ISIS, it is true that the US “ploughed the field” for ISIS with the invasion and occupation of Iraq and its disastrous fallout (loyalist narrative); but it is also true that the Turkish state has tacitly and sometimes blatantly colluded with ISIS because ISIS was fighting against the primary adversary of the Turkish state (Kurdish narrative) and that Assad’s brutal reaction to the Arab Spring contributed to a spiral of escalating violence that culminated in the rise of Daesh (rebel narrative). And although I’m least sympathetic to the jihadi and Turkish state perspectives, it is certain that unless the well-being of Sunni Arabs in Iraq and Syria is factored into a political settlement, the jihadis will go on fighting, and that unless there is some kind of political settlement between the Turkish state and the PKK, Turkey will go on seeking to wipe out Kurdish political formations, without hesitating to commit genocide.

It’s said that “Kurds are second-class citizens in Syria, third-class citizens in Iran, fourth-class citizens in Iraq, and fifth-class citizens in Turkey.” It’s no accident that when Turkish officials like Foreign Minister Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu list the “terror groups” they are most concerned about in the region, they name the YPG before ISIS. Perhaps this can help explain the cautious response of many Kurds to the Syrian revolution: from the Kurdish perspective, regime change in Syria carried out by Turkish-backed jihadis coupled with no regime change in Turkey could be worse than no regime change in Syria at all.

I won’t rehash the whole timeline from the ancient Sumerians to the beginning of the PKK war in Turkey to the 2003 invasion of Iraq to the Arab Spring and the rise of ISIS. Let’s skip forward to Trump’s announcement on December 19: “We have defeated ISIS in Syria, my only reason for being there during the Trump Presidency.”

Has ISIS Been Defeated? And by Whom?

Let me be clear: Daesh has not been defeated in Syria. Just a few days ago, they took a shot at our position with a rocket launcher out of a clear blue sky and missed by only a hundred yards.

It is true that their territory is just a fraction of what it once was. At the same time, by any account, they still have thousands of fighters, a lot of heavy weaponry, and probably quite a bit of what remains of their senior leadership down in the Hajin pocket of the Euphrates river valley and the surrounding deserts, between Hajin and the Iraqi border. In addition, ISIS have a lot of experience and a wide array of sophisticated defense strategies—and they are absolutely willing to die to inflict damage on their enemies.

To the extent that their territory has been drastically reduced, Trump is telling a bald-faced lie in trying to take credit for this. The achievement he is claiming as his own is largely the work of precisely the people he is consigning to death at the hands of Turkey.

Under Obama, the Department of Defense and the CIA pursued dramatically different strategies in reference to the uprising and subsequent civil war in Syria. The CIA focused on overthrowing Assad by any means necessary, to the point that arms and money they supplied trickled down to al-Nusra, ISIS, and others. By contrast, the Pentagon was more focused on defeating ISIS, beginning to concentrate on supporting the largely Kurdish People’s Protection Units (YPG/YPJ) during the defense of Kobane in 2014.

Now, as an anarchist who desires the complete abolition of every government, I have no love for the Pentagon or the CIA, but if we evaluate these two approaches according to their own professed goals, the Pentagon plan worked fairly well, while the CIA plan was a total disaster. In this regard, it’s fair to say that the Obama administration contributed to both the growth of ISIS and its suppression. Trump, for his part, has done neither, except insofar as the sort of nationalist Islamophobia he promotes helps to generate a symmetrical form of Islamic fundamentalism.

Up until December, Trump maintained the Pentagon strategy in Syria that he inherited from the Obama administration. There have been signs of mission creep from US National Security Advisor John R. Bolton and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, who ultimately hope to undermine Iran on account of it supplying oil to China. This far—and no further—I can understand the concerns of a pseudo-pacifist “anti-imperialist”: war with Iran would be a nightmare compounding the catastrophe brought about by the war in Iraq. So yes, insofar as the YPG and YPJ were forced to coordinate with the US military, they were working with unsavory characters whose motivations were very different from their own.

To sum up: what has brought about the by-now almost total recapture of the territory ISIS occupied isn’t rocket science. It’s the combination of a brave and capable ground force with air support. In this sort of conventional territorial war, it’s extremely difficult for a ground force without air support to defeat a ground force with air support, no matter how fiercely the former fights. In some parts of Syria, this involved the YPG/YPJ on the ground with US backing from the air. Elsewhere in Syria, it must be said, ISIS was pushed back by the combination of Russian air support and the loyalist army (SAA) alongside Iranian-backed militias.

Outside Interventions

It would have been extremely difficult to recapture this territory from ISIS any other way. The cooperation of the YPG/YPJ with the US military remains controversial, but the fact is—every side in the Syrian conflict has been propped up and supported by larger outside powers and would have collapsed without that support.

People employing the Turkish, loyalist, and jihadi narratives often point out that Kobane would have fallen and YPG/YPJ would never have been able to retake eastern Syria from Daesh without US air support. Likewise, the Syrian government and the Assad regime were very close to military collapse in 2015, around the time Turkey conveniently downed a Russian plane and Putin decided that Russia was going to bail out the Assad regime no matter what it took. The rebels, on their side, never would have come close to toppling Assad through military means without massive assistance from the Turkish government, the Gulf states, US intelligence services, and probably Israel on some level, although the details of this are murky from where I’m situated.

And the jihadis—Daesh, al-Nusra, al-Qaeda, and the others—would never have been able to take control of half of Iraq and Syria if the US had not been so foolish as to leave an army’s worth of state-of-the-art equipment in the hands of the Iraqi government, which effectively abandoned it. It also helped them that a tremendous amount of resources trickled down from the above-mentioned foreign sponsors of the rebels. It also helped that Turkey left its airports and borders open to jihadis from all over the world who set out to join Daesh. There also appears to have been some sort of financial support from the Gulf states, whether formally or through back channels.

The Turkish state has its own agenda. It is not by any means simply a proxy for the US. But at the end of the day, it’s a NATO member and it can count on the one hundred percent support of the US government—as the missile sale that the US made to Turkey days before the withdrawal tweet illustrates.

In view of all this, we can see why YPG/YPJ chose to cooperate with the US military. My point is not to defend this decision, but to show that under the circumstances, it was the only practical alternative to annihilation. At the same time, it is clear that this strategy has not created security for the experiment in Rojava. Even if we set aside ethical concerns, there are problems with relying on the United States—or France, Russia, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, or any other state government with its own state agenda. As anarchists, we have to talk very seriously about how to create other options for people in conflict zones. Is there any form of international horizontal decentralized coordination that could have solved the problems that the people in Rojava were facing such that they would not have been forced to depend on the US military? If we find no answer to this question when we look at the Syria of 2013-2018, is there something we could have done earlier? These are extremely pressing questions.

No one should forget that ISIS was only reduced to their current relative weakness by a multi-ethnic, radically democratic grassroots resistance movement, that incidentally involved international volunteers from around the globe. In view of Trump’s order to abandon and betray the struggle against ISIS, every sincere person who earnestly wants to put a stop to the spread of apocalyptic fundamentalist terror groups like ISIS or their imminent successors should stop counting on the state and put all their resources into directly supporting decentralized multi-ethnic egalitarian movements. It is becoming ever clearer that those are our only hope.

What Does the Troop Withdrawal Mean?

I’m not surprised that Trump and the Americans are “betraying an ally”—I don’t think anybody here had the illusion that Trump or the Pentagon intended to support the political project in Rojava. Looking back through history, it was clear enough that when ISIS was beaten, the US would leave Rojava at the mercy of the Turkish military. If the forces of the YPG/YPJ have dragged their feet in rooting ISIS out of their last strongholds, this may be one of the reasons.

But it is still very surprising and perplexing that Trump would rush to give up this foothold that the US has carved out in the Russosphere—and that the US military establishment would let him do so. From the perspective of maintaining US global military hegemony, the decision makes no sense at all. It’s a gratuitous gift to Putin, Erdoğan, and ISIS, which could take advantage of the situation to regenerate throughout the region, perhaps in some new form—more on that below.

The withdrawal from Syria does not necessarily mean that conflict with Iran is off the table, by the way. On the contrary, certain hawks in the US government may see this as a step towards consolidating a position from which that could be possible.

However you look at it, Trump’s decision is big news. It indicates that the US “deep state” has no power over Trump’s foreign policy. It suggests that the US neoliberal project is dead in the water, or at least that some elements of the US ruling class consider it to be. It also implies a future in which ethno-nationalist autocrats like Erdoğan, Trump, Assad, Bolsonaro, and Putin will be in the driver’s seat worldwide, conniving with each other to maintain power over their private domains.

In that case, the entire post-cold war era of US military hegemony is over, and we are entering a multipolar age in which tyrants will rule balkanized authoritarian ethno-states: think Europe before World War I. The liberals (and anarchists?) who imagine that this could be good news are fools fighting yesterday’s enemy and yesterday’s war. The de facto red/brown coalition of authoritarian socialists and fascists who are celebrating this are hurrying us all helter-skelter into a brave new world in which more and more of the globe will look like the worst parts of the Syrian civil war.

And speaking from this vantage point, here, today, I do not say that lightly.

What Will Happen Next?

Sadly, Kurdish and left movements in Turkey have been decimated over the past few years. I would be very surprised if there were any kind of uprising in Turkey, no matter what happens in Rojava. We should not permit ourselves to hope that a Turkish invasion here would trigger an insurgency in northern Kurdistan.

Unless something truly unexpected transpires, there are basically two possible outcomes here.

First Scenario

In the first scenario, the Democratic Union Party (PYD) will make some kind of agreement with the Assad regime, likely under less favorable terms than would have been possible before the Turkish invasion of Afrin; both sides would likely make concessions of some kind and agree to fight on the same side if Turkey invades. If Russia signs off on this, it could suffice to prevent the invasion from taking place. Either YPG/YPJ or SAA will finish off the Hajin pocket, and the war could be basically over except for Idlib.

Both the Assad regime and the various predominantly Kurdish formations have been extremely hardheaded in negotiating, but perhaps the threat to both Rojava and the Assad regime is so extreme that they will choose this option. It is possible that this is one of the objectives of the Turkish threat, or even of Trump’s withdrawal: to force YPG to relinquish military autonomy to the Assad regime.

YPG, PYD, and company are not in a very good bargaining position right now, but the regime knows it can at least bargain with them, whereas if northern Syria is occupied by Turkish-backed jihadis and assorted looters, it is unclear what would happen next. Rojava contains much of Syria’s best agricultural land in the north, as well as oil fields in the south.

I can only speculate what the terms of this theoretical agreement might be. There’s lots of speculation online: language rights, Kurdish citizenship being regularized, prior service in YPG counting as military service so that soldiers who have been fighting ISIS all these years can return to being civilians rather than immediately being conscripted into SAA, some kind of limited political autonomy, or the like. In exchange, the YPG and its allies would essentially have to hand military and political control of SDF areas over to the regime.

Could Assad’s regime be trusted to abide by an agreement after they gain control? Probably not.

To be clear, it’s all too easy for me to speak abstractly about the Assad regime as the lesser of two evils. I’m informed about many of the atrocities the regime has committed, but I have not experienced them myself, and this is not the part of Syria where they did the worst things, so I more frequently hear stories from the locals about Daesh and other jihadis, not to mention Turkey. There are likely people in other parts of Syria who regard the Assad regime regaining power with the same dread with which people here regard the Turkish military and ISIS.

In any case, there are some signs that this first scenario might still be possible. The regime has sent troops to Manbij, to one of the lines where the massive Turkish/TFSA troop buildup is occurring. There are meetings between the PYD and the regime as well as with the Russians. An Egyptian-mediated negotiation between the PYD and the regime is scheduled to take place soon.

This first scenario does not offer a very attractive set of options. It’s not what Jordan Mactaggart or the thousands and thousands of Syrians who fought and died with YPG/YPJ gave their lives for. But it would be preferable to the other scenario…

Second Scenario

In the second scenario, the Assad regime will throw in its lot with Turkey instead of with YPG.

In this case, some combination of the Turkish military and its affiliated proxies will invade from the north while the regime invades from the south and west. YPG will fight to the death, street by street, block by block, in a firestorm reminiscent of the Warsaw ghetto uprising or the Paris Commune, utilizing all the defensive tactics they acquired while fighting ISIS. Huge numbers of people will die. Eventually, the Assad regime and Turkey/TFSA will establish some line between their zones of control. For the foreseeable future, there would be some kind of Turkish-Jihadi Rump State of Northern Syrian Warlordistan.

Any remaining Kurds, Assyrians, Armenians, Christians, and other minorities would be expulsed, ethnically cleansed, or terrorized. TFSA and related militias would likely loot everything they could get their hands on. In the long run, Turkey would probably dump the Syrian refugees who are now in Turkey back into these occupied areas, bringing about irreversible demographic shifts that could be the cause of future ethnic conflicts in the region.

We should not believe any assurances from the Turkish state or its apologists that this will not be the result of their invasion, as this is exactly what they have done in Afrin and they have no reason to behave differently in Rojava. Remember: from the perspective of the Turkish state, the YPG/YPJ are enemy number one in Syria.

Now let’s talk about Daesh. Despite the looming threat of invasion, SDF is still finishing off the Hajin pocket of ISIS. If it weren’t for the fact that Turkey is throwing Daesh a lifeline by threatening to invade, Daesh would be doomed, as they are surrounded by SDF, SAA, and the Iraqi army. Let me say this again: Trump giving Turkey the go-ahead to invade Rojava is practically the only thing that could save ISIS.

Trump has repeatedly said things to the effect that Turkey is promising to finish off ISIS. To believe this lie, you would have to be politically ignorant, yes—but in addition, you would also have to be geographically illiterate. This describes Trump’s supporters, if no one else.

Even if the Turkish government had any intention of fighting Daesh in Syria—a proposition that is highly doubtful, considering how easy Turkey made it for ISIS to get off the ground—in order to even reach Hajin and the Euphrates river valley, they would have to steamroll across the entirety of Rojava. There is no other way to get to Hajin. If you’re unfamiliar with the area, look at a map and you’ll see what I’m talking about.

The Assad regime holds positions right across the Euphrates River from both the SDF and Daesh positions, and would be willing and able to finish off the last ISIS pocket. As far as I’m concerned, I’d rather see the regime take the losses there to accomplish that than see YPG overextend itself and bleed any further. But the point here is that when Trump says something to the effect that “Turkey will finish off ISIS!” he is sending a blatant dog whistle to Turkish hardliners that they can attack Rojava and he won’t do anything to stop them. It has nothing to do with ISIS and everything to do with ethnic cleansing in Rojava.

If nothing else, even if Assad allies with the Turkish government, we can hope that the forces of the regime will still finish off ISIS. If Turkey has its way and does what Trump is talking about, beating a path all the way through Rojava to Hajin, they will likely give Daesh’s fighters safe passage, a new set of clothes, three meals a day, and this village I’m living in in exchange for their assistance fighting future Kurdish insurgencies.

So there it is: in declaring victory over ISIS, Trump is arranging the only way that ISIS fighters could come out of this situation with their capacities intact. It’s Orwellian, to say the least.

The only other option I can imagine, if negotiations with the Assad regime break down or PYD decides to take the moral high road and not compromise with the regime—who are untrustworthy and have carried out plenty of atrocities of their own—would be to let the entire SDF melt back into the civilian population, permit Turkey and its proxies to walk into Rojava without losing the fighting force of the YPG/YPJ, and immediately begin an insurgency. That might be smarter than a doomed final stand, but who knows.

Your silence is the echo of the bombs—a solidarity demonstration in Milan, Italy.

Looking Forward

Personally, I want to see the Syrian civil war end, and for Iraq to somehow be spared another cycle of war in the near future. I want to see ISIS prevented from regenerating its root system and preparing for a new round of violence. That doesn’t mean intensifying the ways that this part of the world is policed—it means fostering local solutions to the question of how different people and populations can coexist, and how they can defend themselves from groups like Daesh. This is part of what people have been trying to do in Rojava, and that is one of the reasons that Trump and Erdoğan find the experiment here so threatening. In the end, the existence of groups like ISIS makes their authority look preferable by comparison, whereas participatory horizontal multi-ethnic projects show just how oppressive their model is.

Overthrowing Assad by military means is a dead project—or, at least, the things that would have to happen to make it plausible again in the near future are even more horrifying than the regime is. I hope that somehow, someday, there can be some kind of settlement between the regime and YPG/YPJ, and the regime and the rebels in Idlib, and everyone else who has been suffering here. If capitalism and state tyranny are the problem, this kind of civil war is not the solution, although it seems likely that what has happened in Syria will happen elsewhere in the world as the crises generated by capitalism, state power, and ethnic conflicts put people at odds.

What can you do, reading this in some safer and stabler part of the world?

First, you can spread the word that Trump’s decision is neither a way to bring peace to Syria nor confirmation that ISIS has been defeated. You can tell other people what I have told you about how the situation looks from here, in case I am not able to do so myself.

Second, in the event of a Turkish invasion, you can use every means in your power to discredit and impede the Turkish state, Trump, and the others who paved the way for that outcome. Even if you are not able to stop them—even if you can’t save our lives—you will be part of building the kind of social movements and collective capacity that will be necessary to save others’ lives in the future.

In addition, you can look for ways to get resources to people in this part of the world, who have suffered so much and will continue to suffer as the next act of this tragedy plays out. You can also look for ways to support the Syrian refugees who are scattered across the globe.

Finally, you can think about how we could put better options on the table next time an uprising like the one in Syria breaks out. How can we make sure that governments fall before their reign gives way to the reign of pure force, in which only insurgents backed by other states can gain control? How can we offer other visions of how people can live and meet their needs together, and mobilize the force it will take to implement and defend them on an international basis without need of any state?

These are big questions, but I have faith in you. I have to.

Appendix: Rival Narratives

Drawing on this helpful overview, here is a review of the narratives we often see from different sides in the Syrian civil war:

Loyalist narrative:

Emphasis on how the US and other countries supported and financed rebels for their own geopolitical ends as the main cause for the escalation of the conflict.
The existence of ISIS is mostly attributed to rebel support landing in the wrong hands and more fundamentally as a result of the fallout of the 2003 Iraq war.
Emphasis on links and cooperation between so-called moderate rebels and groups like Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) in order to argue they are all part of the same problem.
Varying views on the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and its legitimacy. This seems to be different from loyalist to loyalist, with some thinking they are almost as bad as traditional rebels and others seeing them as allies against ISIS and Turkish-supported rebels.

Western, gulf Arab, and rebel narrative:

Emphasis on the Arab spring and how the brutal suppression of (relatively) peaceful protests led to an escalation of the conflict and armed rebellion and eventually full blown civil war.
Existence of ISIS mostly attributed to Assad’s actions. Often claiming how his brutal actions and reliance on sectarian militias created an environment in which ISIS could grow and gain support. Moreover, the point is made that Assad’s military deliberately targeted other rebels more than ISIS, and hence is for a large part to blame for its rise.
Emphasis on how there is a clear distinction between moderate rebels and radicals, and we should separate the two in honest analysis.
Views on SDF ranging from unfriendly to outright hostile. Often coushed in emphasizing cases in which the Syrian Arab Army (SAA) and the SDF worked together. In milder forms, this narrative criticizes a perceived overreliance on Kurds in majority Arab areas, while still recognizing the legitimacy of the organization in majority Kurdish areas.

Turkish narrative:

The Turkish narrative is basically the same as the previous on most issues, with the important exception that the hostility towards the SDF intensifies to the extreme. Here, the links between the SDF and the PKK are emphasized and the SDF is characterized as an illegitimate terror organization that is a threat to Turkey and suppresses local Arabs.

Western, Kurdish narrative:

The conflict is often seen as a historic opportunity for the Kurdish peoples in their quest for nationhood. Emphasis on how Kurds were discriminated against before the war and how they can take matters into their own hands now.
The existence and expansion of ISIS is mostly blamed on Turkey. Especially Turkey’s passivity during the battle of Kobane is highlighted, along with accusations of direct support of ISIS and importing ISIS oil.
Regarding rebels, the views tend to come closer to that of loyalists. Rebels (in relevant areas, anyway) are seen either as Turkish proxies or as radical lunatics to whom Turkey can turn a blind eye. The line between rebels and ISIS is often blurred, though they aren’t lumped in together to the same extent as in the loyalist narrative.
SDF is seen as one of the only sane and moral armed actors in a battle otherwise characterized by bad versus bad. Both rebel and loyalist atrocities are emphasized to support this point of view.

ISIS and radical Islamist narrative:

The start of the conflict is seen as a great awakening of Muslims against their apostate Alawite overlords. Emphasis on the solidarity of foreign fighters towards their suffering Syrian brethren.
This perspective includes ISIS itself and also Al Qaeda and similar radical groups, who see ISIS as a group that betrayed the jihadi cause.
The rebels are seen as naïve sellouts serving the interests of foreign governments and implementing non-Islamic ideals on their behalf. Emphasis is also put on how rebels negotiate and reach deals with loyalists, only to be betrayed and lose territory.
SDF are seen as atheist apostates on the US payroll. The chief difference with Turkey is perhaps the emphasis on lack of religion rather than connections to the PKK.

There is a monument in Kobane marking the furthest point that the territorial expansion of ISIS reached in Iraq and Syria in 2014 during the battle of Kobane. ISIS took 85 percent of the city; they made it as far as this intersection before being turned around by fierce resistance.

In Hajin, where the last ISIS stronghold is, the American position is way behind the front, in artillery range but out of range of any weapons Daesh has, so they can sit there and pound away without being hit back, while the risks are run by ground troops of the People’s Protection Units (YPG) and Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). This is precisely what the Turkish army would do to us if Turkey invades Rojava. ↩
In fact, there are two major parties in Iraqi Kurdistan in addition to the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). They each have their own armies and police; they fought an actual civil war once. They do not like each other at all. The Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), the Barzani family dynasty, is more closely aligned with Turkey and the US; it was more closely aligned with Saddam Hussein before. They have bad relations with the administration in Rojava; they are roundly despised here because they basically stood aside and let the catastrophe in Sinjar happen in their own backyard while the PKK scrambled to rush into the breach. The Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) has better relations with Iran, PKK, and the administration here. There is a KDP-related militia called Rojava Peshmerga in Rojava; again, they have a poor reputation because they’ve spent the whole war doing very little while YPG has died in droves fighting ISIS. All this is simply to say that there is no single Kurdish position; there are reactionary Kurdish groups, too. ↩
Mind you, the Syrian rebels were never homogenous; among them, you can find both an element aligned to Turkey and jihadis and an element aligned more closely with YPG/YPJ. Unfortunately, many of those who were interested in more “democratic” solutions to the situation in Syria were forced to flee the country years ago. ↩

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Unknown assassins kill leader of Kurdish-backed council in Syria

Wladimir van Wilgenburg |

December 29-2018 03:41 PM

Unknown assassins kill leader of Kurdish-backed council in Syria

Deir al-Zor Council Co-head Marwan Fatih was killed on Saturday. (Photo: CMD)

ERBIL (Kurdistan 24) – A local council in the eastern Syrian city of Deir al-Zor announced that its co-head had been assassinated on Saturday.

According to the media center of the Kurdish-backed Deir al-Zor Civil Council, Marwan Fatih was killed by unknown assailants while on the road between the city and Hassakah, to the north.

The legislative body was formed in September with the aim of providing public services and managing the affairs of towns and villages liberated by US-backed Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). The Deir al-Zor Civil Council has over 400 members, not a single member is a Kurd.

The UK-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights (SOHR) later released a statement that said Fatih had been killed when fired upon by “unknown gunmen from active cells in the east of the Euphrates River… bringing the total number of people killed since August 22, 2018 to 119, in different ways and new targets, in line with previous targets.”

No group has yet claimed responsibility for the killing.

In the past, the Islamic State (IS) and armed groups backed by Turkey have announced that they were responsible for previous assassinations of SDF-affiliated leaders. Many observers have also blamed the Syrian government for such incidents.

The leader’s death comes ten days after the surprise decision of US President Donald Trump to withdraw from Syria amid continued threats by Turkey to launch an invasion over its southern border into areas of Syria east of the Euphrates.

It’s not the first time prominent officials working with councils established by the Syrian Democratic Council (SDC) have been targeted.

Prominent tribal leader Bashir Faisal al-Huwaidi was assassinated in a vehicle in Raqqa in early November. IS claimed responsibility for the murder soon thereafter.

On March 15, Omar Aloush, a senior Kurdish official who played a key role with the US on stability efforts in Raqqa, was also assassinated in his home in Tal Abyad.

SDC Co-head Ilham Ahmed told Kurdistan 24 in December that she blamed Turkey for the killing of Aloush. She also claimed that Turkey and Turkish-backed rebels were behind any and all “explosion[s] in Manbij.”

Editing by John J. Catherine

UpdatedDecember 29-2018 06:14 PM

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Turkey ‘determined’ to drive out Kurdish forces from Syria

World Dec 25, 2018 1:13 PM EST

ISTANBUL — Turkey said Tuesday it is working with the United States to coordinate the withdrawal of American forces but remains “determined” to clear U.S.-allied Kurdish fighters from northeastern Syria.

Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu told reporters that “if Turkey says it will enter, it will,” in comments carried by private DHA news agency.

For weeks, Turkey has been threatening to launch a new offensive against the Kurdish fighters, who partnered with the U.S. to drive the Islamic State group out of much of northern and eastern Syria. Ankara views the Kurdish forces as terrorists because of their links to an insurgent group inside Turkey.

President Donald Trump announced the planned withdrawal of U.S. forces after a phone call with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan earlier this month.

The minister also said Ankara and Washington have agreed to complete a roadmap on the northern Syrian town of Manbij until the U.S. withdraws. Under the June deal, Kurdish forces would leave Manbij, in the western Euphrates valley, but delays have infuriated Turkey.

“It is crucial that the U.S. doesn’t appear as not having kept its promises,” Cavusoglu said.

He argued that Turkey has the “strength to neutralize” IS on its own and criticized France, which has promised to stay in Syria despite the U.S. decision.

Cavusoglu warned it would not benefit France if it was staying in Syria to protect the YPG, the main Kurdish militia in Syria.

Erdogan, speaking to reporters in Ankara, said Turkey was taking into account Trump’s announcement on Syria rather than French President Emmanuel Macron’s decision. The future of the international coalition against IS, which includes Turkey, the U.S. and France, remains unclear.

The Turkish president also announced that a delegation was heading to Moscow and that he would meet with Russian President Vladimir Putin. Turkey has been negotiating on behalf of the Syrian opposition with Russia and Iran, which support the Syrian government, as part of efforts to end the nearly 8-year civil war.

Trump announced last week that the U.S. will withdraw all of its 2,000 forces in Syria, a move that will leave control of the oil-rich eastern third of Syria up for grabs. Russia launched its military operation in Syria in 2015 to back its longtime ally President Bashar Assad.

Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Sergei Ryakov said Tuesday in an interview with the RIA Novosti news agency that it would be a “big mistake” to dismantle a hotline that Russia and the U.S. use to prevent potential clashes in Syria, despite the U.S. withdrawal, and said he sees no indications the Americans would do that.

Associated Press writer Nataliya Vasilyeva in Moscow contributed.

YPG-YPJ INTERNATIONAL MARTYRS (Photo by Chris Scurfield)

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Isis withdraws from last urban stronghold in Syria

Syrian Democratic Forces capture Hajin in Deir ez-Zor province after heavy fighting

Martin Chulov, Middle East correspondent

THE GUARDIAN

An SDF fighter attends the funeral of a colleague killed in the battle for Hajin. Photograph: Delil Souleiman/AFP/Getty Images

Islamic State extremists have withdrawn from their last urban stronghold in Syria after weeks of intensifying clashes with Kurdish-led fighters that have splintered the remnants of the group’s leadership and raised fresh questions about the fate of its founder, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi.

Isis forces retreated to villages to the east of Hajin in the early hours of Thursday after several days of US airstrikes, which allowed Kurdish proxy forces to sweep into the town on the eastern bank of the Euphrates river. Clashes continued throughout the day, and western observers cautioned that the militants may be attempting to regroup for a counter-assault.

The fall of Hajin comes after the fight against Isis had stalled for several months, weighed down by the increasingly fraught politics of the seven-year war in Syria and its numerous spinoffs. Friction between two of its main protagonists, Turkey and the US, over Washington’s use of Kurdish proxies to lead the fight had been central to the slowdown, which raised fears that Isis was using it to consolidate after many months of withering losses.

The US had been urging Kurdish leaders to send experienced members to lead its proxy force in Hajin against a diehard contingent of around 2,500 Isis veterans of battles in Iraq and Syria, which have stripped the group of cross-border lands it once controlled and forced it to revert to guerrilla warfare. The US presidential envoy in the fight against Isis, Brett McGurk, said this week that nearly every Isis member in Hajin is thought to have access to a suicide vest.

https://interactive.guim.co.uk/uploader/embed/2018/12/caliphate-zip/giv-3902ZKlxxoegp03G

Senior Isis leaders were believed to have sought refuge in Hajin over the summer, and Baghdadi is understood to have spent some time in the town since it became Isis’s de facto capital in late 2017. The surrounding province of Deir Ez-Zor was pivotal to the rise of Isis. Nearly 60% of the group’s revenues came from five nearby oil fields that were repeatedly attacked by US jets and quickly brought back online.

The province was an essential hub for Baghdadi’s couriers, drivers and intermediaries as the oil trade surged from 2014-15, and was seen as one of the few places left in a crumbling caliphate where Isis fighters could lay low.

Baghdadi is thought to have remained far from the fight in recent months, and western intelligence officials believe the fugitive leader to be in the northern half of Anbar province in neighbouring Iraq. Iraqi officials, however, suspect their quarry may have have been in Hajin more recently. “Most of the senior Isis leaders are based in Hajin,” said one senior official. “Moreover, the confessions of arrested Isis members all point to Baghdadi being there with his family.”

Isis’s leadership structure has collapsed over the past two years, leaving local leaders and sleeper cells to act without higher instruction. In north-eastern Syria, the focal point of the fight against the organisation, there has been aincrease in attacks in areas that had been cleared by the US-backed and Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), particularly the city of Raqqa, which had been one of two main hubs of power, Mosul in Iraq being the other.

The durability of the US-Kurdish alliance had been increasingly challenged since earlier this year, when the SDF suspended operations against Isis in eastern Syria as Turkey launched an operation to oust Kurdish forces from near its border in the country’s north-west.

The SDF has drawn heavily from local Arab populations to anchor the fight against Isis, but its leaders come from the ranks of senior Kurdish officials. As the fight against Isis winds down, the Kurds of Syria’s north-east have been weighing their options. A pledge of ongoing US patronage and weapons has kept the SDF in the fight in Hajin, but doubts about Washington’s future intentions and loyalties are increasingly testing the alliance.

Turkey’s announcement on Wednesday that it intends to send its military into north-eastern Syria poses a further challenge to the US-Kurdish pact. The US has described the planned move as unacceptable, but Ankara says it will defy the wishes of its Nato ally and will soon launch an operation aimed at pushing Kurdish groups allied to insurgents inside Turkey deeper into Syria.

A spillover from the fight in Syria is also believed to have energised an Isis revival in Kirkuk and Salaheddin in Iraq, local officials say. The number of assassinations and roadside bombs, trademarks of earlier insurgencies, have increased sharply in recent months.

Additional reporting by Nadia al-Faour

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KCK: The US decision is part of the international plot

KCK said: “This unwarranted decision by the US is a continuation of the international plot against Leader Apo. Our people and forces of democracy must rise up at once against the attack that is part of the plot against Lead

ANF
BEHDINAN
Thursday, 8 Nov 2018, 15:30

Kurdistan Communities Union (KCK) Executive Council Co-presidency protested the US issuing warrants for PKK founders and administrators KCK Executive Council Co-chair Cemil Bayik and PKK Executive Committee Members Duran Kalkan and Murat Karayilan, saying: “Our people and forces of democracy must rise up at once against the attack that is part of the plot against Leader Apo. The stance against this attack must be combined with the fight for Leader Apo’s freedom and the fight against the plot, and this multi-faceted struggle must be continued everywhere the Kurds live together with all forces of democracy.”

KCK Executive Council Co-presidency issued a written statement and said:

“The US has issued warrants for PKK founders and Kurdish Freedom Movement’s leading cadres, PKK, KCK and HPG administrators comrades Cemil Bayik, Duran Kalkan and Murat Karayilan with baseless excuses, and put rewards on them. This hostile approach against our Freedom Movement and the decisions that were made have no justification in politics, society, ethics, conscience, or universal law. This is an utterly ideological and political decision. This decision that could only be made with a hostile approach constitutes an attack against not just the PKK, KCK or HPG, but all Kurdish people fighting for freedom and democracy.

THE DECISION IS A CONTINUATION OF THE PLOT

Without a doubt, the states who implement the Kurdish genocide against Leader Apo, PKK and the Kurdish Freedom Movement they lead have been hostile since the beginning along with their international supporters, and have wanted to disband the movement through attacks. This attack has the same goals as the plot against Leader Apo launched on October 9, 1998 and ended with his imprisonment in Imrali on February 15, 1999. This unwarranted decision by the US is a part and a continuation of the plot against Leader Apo. There is a direct connection between this decision and the 1999 plot being foiled for the most part by Leader Apo’s power of great thought and our freedom struggle led by the PKK, and the Kurdish people’s struggle for freedom achieving a political power that affects Middle Eastern politics greatly.

On the other hand, the Kurdish people’s struggle for freedom has affected the Middle Eastern peoples’ struggle for freedom and democracy, and opened a new frontier for the peoples of the world in their struggle for freedom and democracy. Leader Apo’s understanding of democratic nation and democratic confederal social governance as an alternative to the state becomes an alternative for the whole world for the solution of political, social and economic issues. This decision being made at a time when trade unions in the UK, the birthplace of unionism, and democratic forces, writers and intellectuals throughout the world launch a campaign for the safety, health and freedom of Leader Apo; when the Kurdish people and forces of democracy fight for the freedom of Leader Apo with the slogan ‘Let’s break the isolation, demolish fascism and free Kurdistan’ is an approach geared towards stopping these developments as well.

Considering the timing of this announcement that constitutes a hostile attack against our Freedom Movement, and Leader Apo’s influence and PKK’s role in political developments in the Middle East as a whole, this attitude is a plot against the Freedom Movement and an immoral attack against the Kurdish people. The Kurdish people’s struggle for freedom has developed everywhere and Kurds have come very close to achieving a free and democratic life. This plot against the PKK means supporting the genocidal colonialist powers’ hegemony over Kurds through pushing back our freedom movement.

In all the developments in Kurdistan in the last 40 years, the PKK has had a determining role. This 40 year long struggle has a role in the presence and political influence of Kurdish political powers who oppose the PKK as well. It is impossible to make an analysis without considering the PKK’s role in all national, political and social developments in all parts of Kurdistan. Anti-Kurdish sentiment manifesting most frequently as an animosity against Leader Apo and the PKK is an expression of this reality.

PKK CARRIED OUT THE GREATEST RESISTANCE AGAINST ISIS ATTACKS

The issue most prominent in Middle Eastern and world politics in recent years has been ISIS attacks. The PKK has prevented a genocide in Shengal against Yazidis, who have the most ancient faith and culture of humanity, presenting a lesson in ethics and saving international and especially regional political powers from a heavy burden. It was the HPG-YJA Star guerrillas who held the Hewler gate during the ISIS attack and stopped ISIS from entering Hewler. It was again the HPG-YJA Star guerrillas along with the Peshmarga who removed the ISIS attacks and threats in Kirkuk and Sulaymaniyah. The HPG-YJA Star guerrillas who fought valiantly alongside YPG/YPJ fighters had a great role in the victory for the Kobanê resistance, supported by all peoples of the world and forces of democracy. The PKK didn’t just fight against ISIS, but took very important steps in creating a new Middle East based on the fraternity of Arabs, Kurds, Syriacs, Armenians, Circassians, Persians and Turks with the understanding of democratic nation.

The whole world knows that the YPG/YPJ fighters, who say they fight with Leader Apo’s line in mind, have been received in the French palaces, and representatives of the Rojava Revolution have been received in the US foreign relations halls. Throughout these years, the ones whose relationship with ISIS was most questioned and talked about have been Tayyip Erdogan and his government. Now the US putting rewards on administrators of PKK, KCK and HPG, who have paid a heavy price in the fight against ISIS, means support for Tayyip Erdogan’s and the AKP’s anti-Kurdish and anti-democracy policies. Those fighting against ISIS are attempted to be disbanded and those with a relationship with ISIS are being rewarded.

OUR PEOPLE AND FORCES OF DEMOCRACY MUST RISE UP AT ONCE

The peoples of the world and forces of democracy know that Leader Apo is the leader of freedom on the women’s freedom line, PKK is the leader of the struggle for freedom, and HPG is the guerrilla force fighting the struggle for freedom for the Kurdish people who are one of the most ancient peoples in history. The US can’t overturn this reality with ideological and political motives and unwarranted excuses. The US administration can’t make the American people, who they get their legitimacy from, believe these ugly lies. This approach and decision by the US has been made on political and financial interests, and made them into accomplices for genocidal and colonialist powers. Our people and the forces of democracy expected an approach that would show self-criticism for the 1999 plot against Leader Apo from the US, but they have taken on such an approach today, which will be put on trial by the peoples today and history tomorrow.

In the face of this unwarranted and immoral decision, the Kurdish people, the peoples of the Middle East and forces of democracy throughout the world can’t be expected to stay silent. At this point in time when people demand Leader Apo’s freedom and discuss removing the PKK from the terrorist organizations list in Europe, our people and the forces of democracy must take on a stand, and a fight against this attack on our comrades Duran Kalkan, Cemil Bayik and Murat Karayilan. Our people and all forces o democracy must rise up at once against this attack that took place as part of the plot against Leader Apo. The stance against this attack must be combined with the fight for Leader Apo’s freedom and the fight against the plot, and this multi-faceted struggle must be continued everywhere the Kurds live together with all forces of democracy. It must be put forth with great force that there will be a fight against these attacks geared towards disbanding the Freedom Movement in the person of these comrades.”

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Syria Kurds vow to fight off new Turkish attacks near Kobane

YPJ units Photo: Kurdishstruggle/Creative Commons

SYRIAN Kurds vowed to defend their lands as Turkey launched a new set of attacks on the border towns of Kobane and Tall Abyad today.

Members of the Women’s Union gathered at a stadium in the city of Manbij where they condemned the latest invasion by the Turkish state and highlighted the silence from the international community.

Banners declared: “Young people of Manbij will not accept the Ottoman invasion” as those gathered heard a statement read by youth activist Nesrin Berkel.

“The peoples of Syria will never be silent against the attacks and will defend their lands,” she promised.

Manbij Women’s Council spokeswoman Nadia Milhim called for resistance against the Turkish invasion and to escalate the struggle for the liberation of Afrin, Jarablus and al-Bab.

“The unity of the peoples of Syria will defeat Turkey and reject the attacks,” she said.

The latest offensive began on October 27, soon after an international summit was convened in Istanbul between Russia, France, Germany and Turkey to discuss the future of Syria.

It forced the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), whose main component is the largely Kurdish People’s Protection Units (YPG) to pause the fight against Isis in Deir ez-Zor in order to defend the towns of Kobane and Tall Abyad from the Turkish invasion.

An SDF statement said: “We call on the international community to condemn the Turkish provocations in the safe areas in Syria, and we demand our partners in the International Coalition show a clear attitude and stop Turkey from launching attacks on the region.”

Turkey insists that the SDF is a terrorist organisation linked to the banned Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) and claim that operations are necessary to secure its borders.

Turkish forces, allied with jihadists from the Free Syrian Army, invaded the peaceful city of Afrin in northern Syria in January.

Thousands of Kurds fled their homes amid allegations of chemical attacks and extrajudicial killings, along with the destruction of Kurdish statues and cultural icons.

The international community appeared to support the invasion and subsequent occupation by Nato’s second-largest army, allowing Turkish forces to act with impunity.

Syrian Democratic Council co-chair Emina Umer today paid tribute to six-year old Sara Rifat who was killed after she was shot in the head during a Turkish army attack on Tall Abyad.

“The invading Turkish state attacks against northern Syria target women and children.

“She has been martyred as the result of the agreements among foreign states that want to break the will of the Syrian peoples.”

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FOR DIRECT LINK TO YPG NEWS SITE:

https://www.ypgrojava.org/english

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Syria: Turkey must stop serious violations by allied groups and its own forces in Afrin

AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL REPORT

2 August 2018, 00:00 UTC

Turkish forces are giving Syrian armed groups free rein to commit serious human rights abuses against civilians in the northern city of Afrin, Amnesty International said today, following an in-depth investigation into life under the Turkish military occupation.

Research released today reveals that residents in Afrin are enduring a wide range of violations, mostly at the hands of Syrian armed groups that have been equipped and armed by Turkey. These violations include arbitrary detentions, enforced disappearances, and confiscation of property and looting to which Turkey’s armed forces have turned a blind eye. Some of these groups, and Turkish armed forces themselves, also have taken over schools, disrupting the education of thousands of children.

“Turkey’s military offensive and occupation have exacerbated the suffering of Afrin residents, who have already endured years of bloody conflict. We heard appalling stories of people being detained, tortured or forcibly disappeared by Syrian armed groups, who continue to wreak havoc on civilians, unchecked by Turkish forces,” said Lynn Maalouf, Amnesty International’s Middle East Research Director.

“Turkey is the occupying power in Afrin, and therefore is responsible for the welfare of the civilian population and maintaining law and order. So far, its armed forces have failed utterly in these duties. It cannot evade responsibility by using Syrian armed groups to carry out its dirty work. Without further delay, Turkey must end violations by pro-Turkish armed groups, hold perpetrators accountable, and commit to helping Afrin residents rebuild their lives.”

In January 2018, Turkey and allied Syrian armed groups launched a military offensive against the People’s Protection Units (YPG), the military force of the autonomous administration led by the Syrian Kurd Democratic Union Party (PYD). Three months later, Turkey and its allied forces seized control of Afrin and its surrounding areas, forcibly displacing thousands of people who fled and sought safety in the nearby al-Shahba region where they are now living in dire conditions.

According to several residents in Afrin, Turkey’s armed forces have a significant presence in the centre of the city, and in several surrounding villages. On 1 July, Turkey’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated that its armed forces will stay in Afrin to continue working on the development of the area.

Between May and July 2018 Amnesty International interviewed 32 people, some of whom were still living in Afrin and others who had fled to other countries or different areas of Syria. Interviewees named pro-Turkey armed groups including Ferqa 55, Jabha al-Shamiye, Faylaq al-Sham, Sultan Mourad, and Ahrar al-Sharqiye, as responsible for serious human rights violations.

On 16 July, Amnesty International communicated to the Turkish government a summary of its preliminary findings, requesting a response. On 25 July, the Turkish government responded questioning impartiality referring to the use of terminology such as ‘al-Shahba region’ and ‘autonomous administration’ without providing a concrete response to the findings.

Pro-Turkey forces responsible for arbitrary detention and enforced disappearances

Amnesty International interviewed several residents and internally displaced people who reported that armed groups had arbitrarily detained civilians for ransom, as punishment for asking to reclaim their property, or on baseless accusations of affiliation to the PYD or YPG. Local sources told Amnesty International of at least 86 instances of arbitrary detention, torture and enforced disappearance.

A woman displaced from Afrin told Amnesty International that her uncle had been taken away by members of a pro-Turkey armed group after he had returned to his village three months earlier. She said: “We don’t know where he is. He was head of ‘Komine’ [the local committee]. He is not affiliated with the PYD or YPG. He went back to Afrin because he was afraid he would lose his house. He stayed with his wife in another house because our village became a military base for the Turkish forces. One night he decided to ask the armed groups to take him to check on his home. The armed group escorted him to his house, but he hasn’t returned since then. They wouldn’t tell his wife where they took him.”

Two former detainees Amnesty International interviewed said they had been held by Sultan Mourad and accused of being affiliated with the YPG. They told Amnesty International they had seen journalists, teachers, engineers, activists, as well as former employees of the PYD and YPG fighters in the prison in Azaz where they were held.

One said: “I was detained near Afrin for two months. I was transferred to multiple detention facilities including in Maamalou, Damliou, and Baadino, all surrounding villages near Afrin, where I was interrogated by members of two armed groups and Turkey’s armed forces. All of the questions focused on my activities on social media, and accused me of being affiliated with the YPG since I reported on violations committed by Turkey during the military operation.

“I was taken to the al-Ra’i prison in Azaz operated by Sultan Mourad. I wasn’t tortured, but I saw men being beaten in front of me by members of Sultan Mourad just for fun, and at night the sound of men screaming echoed through the building. I was released without seeing a judge. I thought I would never make it out of there.”

Pro-Turkey forces responsible for property confiscation

Since March 2018, when Turkey and allied armed groups seized control of Afrin, hundreds of people have been returning to the city by foot through a mountainous route, as the YPG has blocked the official routes into the city, deliberately preventing displaced people from returning to Afrin. Many of those who managed to return found that their properties had been confiscated and their possessions stolen by armed groups allied with Turkey.

Ten people told Amnesty International that Syrian armed groups had confiscated properties and shops in Afrin. Displaced residents said they were informed by their relatives and neighbours that their homes were either being used by the pro-Turkey armed groups as military headquarters, or occupied by displaced families from Eastern Ghouta and Homs.

One teacher displaced in a camp in the al-Shahba region told Amnesty International that his house in Jenderes had been confiscated by Faylaq al-Sham. He said: “My neighbour told me that my home was confiscated. He sent me images that clearly show the name of Faylaq al-Sham written on the wall of the entrance door.”

Amnesty International also interviewed three displaced residents who reported that armed groups had confiscated their shops. A man and his son, a graphic designer, who owned three shops in Afrin said a relative had told them their home had been confiscated by the armed group called Ferqa 55. They also received pictures showing one of their shops converted into a butcher shop by a family from Eastern Ghouta. An owner of a supermarket in a village near Afrin told Amnesty International that a relative had told him recently that his supermarket was first looted, and was now being run by family from Eastern Ghouta.

One woman told Amnesty International: “The families from Ghouta are not to be blamed. They have been displaced like us, and are maybe in an even worse situation than us.”

Pro-Turkey forces responsible for looting of homes and businesses

Twelve people told Amnesty International they had witnessed or been victims of looting. Several displaced people were told by their relatives that their home had either been completely looted or were missing expensive appliances such as their TV sets, computers, washing machines or refrigerators.

In April 2018, a representative of the military court claimed in a media interview that there had been looting incidents during the military operation, by both armed members and civilians, but that the court had begun to return the belongings to their owners. The court representative explained that, in coordination with the military police in Azaz and Turkey’s armed forces, the individuals responsible for the looting had been arrested and referred to court. But one person who returned to Afrin in May told Amnesty International: “I went to my parents’ home and it was empty. They stole every piece of furniture, appliances, and everything else. The neighbours saw the Free Syrian Army packing all the furniture in trucks. There are at least four armed groups in control of the village, so they don’t know which one was responsible.”

A resident from Afrin who sought refuge in Germany told Amnesty International: “I have five apartments in Afrin city and a commercial shop. My friend told me that two of my homes are now occupied by displaced families. I managed to get the phone number of two families, one from Harasta and another from Eastern Ghouta. I called them to ask them to take care of the house but they told me that the house was already looted when they moved in. I had just renovated the house. My problem is not with the families living in the house, but with the armed groups.”

“All parties to Syria’s conflict, including the YPG, Turkey’s armed forces and local armed groups, should facilitate the safe and voluntary return of people to Afrin”, said Lynn Maalouf.

“As the occupying power, Turkey must provide full reparation to those whose homes have been confiscated, destroyed, or looted by security forces or by their allies. It is Turkey’s duty to ensure that displaced civilians are able to return to their homes in Afrin and are afforded restitution, or where this is not possible, compensation.”

Turkey and armed groups responsible for the military use of schools

Since January 2018, access to education has been nearly impossible for people in Afrin. Residents told Amnesty International that since March, children had been able to access only one school in Afrin city, while Afrin University has been completely shut down after it was destroyed and looted. According to former teachers displaced to the al-Shahba region, Turkish forces, alongside allied Syrian armed groups, are using Amir Ghabari School in Afrin as military headquarters. Amnesty International reviewed satellite imagery from 20 April 2018 showing several armoured vehicles and a recently built-up structure. These vehicles and structure were not present before Turkish forces and armed groups gained control of Afrin on 18 March 2018.

According to local media sources and residents, Turkish forces and the armed groups converted the public school in Shara to a police headquarters in June 2018. Turkish forces are also using another school in Jenderes as a field hospital, according to residents.

“Under international humanitarian law, and particularly in situations of occupation, schools benefit from special protection and the education of children must be provided for. We urge Turkey to take all necessary measures to ensure that children are able to return to school and that the university is promptly rehabilitated and reopened as soon as possible”, said Lynn Maalouf.

Violations by the Syrian government and YPG

Following the offensive in January 2018, thousands of people fled to the nearby al-Shahba region. At least 140,000 people are now living in camps or damaged houses without proper access to services, especially medical care. The injured and chronically ill have to wait for government permission to be allowed access into Aleppo city, the nearest place where they can receive adequate medical care.

The Syrian government has also prevented any movement from the al-Shahba region to other parts of Syria that enjoy better living conditions. This has forced many people struggling to survive to pay large amounts of money to smugglers to counter these movement restrictions.

Furthermore, the YPG has blocked the roads from the al-Shahba region to Afrin, deliberately preventing displaced people from returning to their homes. Since the end of the military operation in March, hundreds have returned to Afrin after walking through a long and arduous mountain route.

A woman who returned to Afrin in early April told Amnesty International: “My aunt, who is 60 years old and suffered from a severe type of diabetes and other health conditions, died on the way back to Afrin from severe dehydration. The YPG didn’t let us take our cars through the official road so we walked for around five hours. She ran out of water halfway through. Her daughter went to find a spring to get her water but she didn’t make it back on time.”

According to several people, including members of the Kurdish Red Crescent, the Syrian government has restricted the medical evacuation of sick and wounded civilians from the al-Shahba region to Aleppo. The Kurdish Red Crescent and medical staff told Amnesty International that there is only one hospital and two clinics providing basic medical care and medicine in the al-Shahba region. They said that they lack both the medical expertise and equipment to perform surgeries or treat chronic diseases.

At the time of writing, around 300 people suffering from chronic diseases and serious injuries had been waiting for their medical evacuation to be approved by the Syrian government. Since mid-March, only 50 people have been allowed to travel to the national hospital in Aleppo for treatment.

“The Syrian government and YPG are exacerbating the suffering of people who have been displaced from Afrin, by trapping them in the al-Shahba region for no apparent reason and depriving them of adequate access to education, food and medical care. People, especially the sick and the injured, should be allowed immediate safe passage to wherever they wish to go,” said Lynn Maalouf.

“We are calling on Syria and the YPG to respect the freedom of movement of civilians, and to facilitate the safe and voluntary return of the displaced. Syrian authorities must expedite the medical evacuation of all sick and wounded who cannot receive adequate treatment in the al-Shahba region.”

Syria: Amnesty International annual report

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43623028_10216209251276505_8951457592920506368_n By Davide Grasso

Şehîd Şahîn Qereçox, known as Waka to his many friends, was sadly martyred in the fight against Daesh in Hajin on 7th October. He had been serving in the YPG, fighting for the revolution in Rojava for 4 months. For as long as I’d known him he was a loving comrade and a true revolutionary. I’m still struggling to find the words to describe him – he was so thoughtful and creative he defied simple generalisation. Whatever I write will merely scratch the surface of what he meant to me and so many people.

I will never forget his brave actions and efforts fighting for a world he knew was possible. One free from oppression, patriarchy and ecocide where people live cooperatively in the spirit of mutual aid instead of being made atomised and afraid by capitalism. He was always willing to risk repression or police violence defending what he believed in. In Hambacher Forest, Germany, he never hesitated putting himself in harm’s way to stop the exploitation and destruction of the earth. In Pont Valley, England, his creativity and hard work put fire in a campaign to defend communities and wildlife from opencast coal mining. Şahîn’s resourcefulness made him a valuable member of every community he was in. He was often hard at work building structures, cooking and just making the whole space more welcoming for everyone to enjoy themselves. He always brought his charming wit to every conversation and you could learn a lot from what he had to say.

His temperament was never aggressive, nor was he keen on physical confrontation and initially it was a surprise to hear he wanted to fight with the YPG. But actually, thinking about his many other brave exploits, it shouldn’t at all have been a surprise that he would fight for what he believed in this way. His unwavering courage and self-discipline without falling into macho behaviours is one of the many things for which I admired him.
[9/10 12:51] Botan Siria: This was one of the things that made him a true revolutionary – he knew a revolution isn’t just something you make or build, it’s something you do and it’s a part of who you are. Everything he did was very consciously and unapologetically political. He never shied away from criticising his own behaviour or that of his comrades. He wanted to make the most of every day of his life and any spare moment was spent learning a language, training, reading and sharing new ideas. A week or so before he died he was made co-commander of the YPG International Tabur and he was steadfastedly motivated in training not only everyone’s physical condition, but also building the revolutionary culture in the unit.

One treasured memory I have of him before he came to Rojava was when we were hitchhiking together in Europe. I remember no matter who gave us a lift he would immediately engage with them in conversation as if they were an old friend. He was always keen to talk about his ideas and never felt the need to be dishonest about his beliefs. His disarming friendliness and honesty left everyone we encountered on that journey fond of him, even if they had met him all too briefly.

I would like to send this message in memory of a true heval. A land defender, hunt saboteur, anarchist, expert hitchhiker & dumpster diver, revolutionary, friend, and a beautiful comrade. I only regret I didn’t tell him all this to his face, but the fight for freedom goes on and I will do so in his memory, inspired by everything he did and everything he taught me.

Şehîd namirin.”

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The battle of Idlib Province in Syria is decisive and crucial for the future of Rojava

By: Zaher Baher

05 Sep 2018

“We are at the final stage of solving the crisis in Syria and liberating whole territory from terrorism”, stated Walid al-Moualem, Syria’s foreign minister when he met Sergei Lavrov, his Russian counterpart, in Moscow.

The Assad Regime and its allies are preparing themselves for the upcoming battle for Idlib. The military launch might start this month, September, or the beginning of October. The war will likely bring victory to Assad and catastrophe to the 2 million citizens of Idlib where 1.6 million are already in need of humanitarian aid.

Idlib, near Aleppo, Hama and Homs, is a stronghold of over 60,000 anti-regime rebels and over 10,000 jihadists. To justify attacking Idlib, Assad often claims the province is full of terrorists.

Although the battle of Idlib looks rather small with any parties like the US, Russia, Turkey and Assad and their other allies’ involvement directly or indirectly, it will, no doubt, be a big battle. Each of these parties has their own stake in Idlib and the region. Assad is trying to control the whole country by defeating opposition rebels and terrorist groups. He also wants an open hand over the Kurdish in Rojava either to suppress or negotiate with them on his own terms and conditions. Turkey, which has supported anti-Assad forces and terrorist groups throughout the war for many reasons, has its own interests too. The US and Russia have been the major powers in the region and are arch enemies. Their intervention and involvement in Syria only serves their own interests economically, politically and financially and protects the power of their friends in the region.

As for Rojava’s situation, its future within the Idlib battle scenario is quite complicated. In my opinion, Rojava’s position has been weak since Jul 2015 when Erdogan launched a brutal attack on the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) forcing them to become involved in war. On the other hand, the Democratic Union Party (PYD) has been aligned with the US in the war against Islamic State (IS), and has committed many deadly mistakes mentioned in my previous article. Please see the link below:

http://www.anarkismo.net/article/30915?search_text=Zaher+Baher

The battle of Idlib will happen sooner or later. It will be decisive and crucial for the major powers and their allies in the region and also for Rojava. At the moment, US opposes the attack because it would lead to a “humanitarian catastrophe “. The White House warned on Tuesday 04/09 that the US and its allies would respond “swiftly and appropriately” if Assad used chemical weapons. The question here is why the US and its allies were not concerned about a “humanitarian catastrophe” when Turkey invaded Afrin and massacred hundreds of innocent people? In Idlib,the US is probably concerned with defeating the terrorist groups rather than innocent people because they want the game to last longer to achieve completely what they planned in the first place.

Rojava and its self-rule administration and the SDF cannot be ignored during the attack on Idlib and after the battle as well. It cannot be left as it is. The Rojava question and its future must be resolved either way. Rojava is facing many possible scenarios. If Assad prevails in this battle, as commonly predicted, the position of the Kurdish in Rojava will be weaker. Assad will be in a very strong position, securing his hold on power for a while. In this situation, he can impose his terms and conditions on the PYD and SDF while they are in a weak position. There is also the possibility of the SDF joining Assad’s forces for the battle of Idlib while the PYD is negotiating with the regime. As we can see, the PYD and SDF are in a very complicated situation. The SDF may join Assad’s forces against the rebels; an action which is opposed to US interests. In this circumstances the PYD and SDF might be abandoned by the US which, in the near future, may encourage a Turkish attack on Rojava or, at least, Turkey may try to occupy the towns on its border currently under control of the SDF.

If Assad fails to defeat the rebels in Idlib, it won’t be in the interest of Rojava either, because Assad’s defeat will also be a Turkish victory who will then be in a better position to attack Rojava as happened to Afrin.

However, whatever the outcome of Idlib’s battle, it will be critical for Rojava as its future is tied to the battles between the forces mentioned above. The situation may become so complicated in Rojava that it will become difficult for the Kurdish to maintain their principal aim of Democratic Confederalism.

What keeps Rojava alive is the continuing war with Isis and other terrorist groups and, also, the economic embargo imposed by regional powers. Saying this does not mean that Rojava’s movement will collapse. In my opinion, the Kurdish have proved themselves and resolved many questions positively so they cannot be ignored or marginalized by any sides of the major powers and Assad’s regime I believe that, in the end, there might be some compromise between the US and Russia over Syria and its regime. The power struggle between them and their allies to reach their own aims forces Assad, or a future government in Syria, to offer cultural autonomy and some cultural rights. These rights would be far short of building Democratic Confederalism.

Zaherbaher.com

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KCK STATEMENT ON MARTYRDOM OF ZEKI SHENGALI

To Our Peoples and the Public Opinion

Zeki Şengali (İsmail Özden), the revered Mâm Zeki of the Yazidis, our comrade and the 35-years-long cadre of our Freedom Movement, was assassinated by the Turkish state on August 15, 2018, in Sinjar, Iraq. Aided by some local collaborators, the Turkish fighter jets attacked the vehicle carrying him; and he fell martyr as a result. As we pay tribute to our martyr comrade, a member of KCK Executive Council, we take the oath to substantiate his aspirations to Free Kurdistan and Free Êzidîxan(Sinjar).

The attack against our distinguished comrade, the revered Mâm Zeki of the Yazidis is, in fact, a genocidal attack against the Yazidis. It is a continuation of ISIL’s genocide against the Yazidis on August 3, 2014. Bu launching this air raid, the greatest accomplice to the August 3, 2014 Sinjar massacre, known as 74th Ferman, has revealed itself. It has once again been proved that the Turkish state has been the main driving force, abettor, and prompter behind the 3 August massacre in Sinjar.

According to the information from Sinjar, there are claims that the KDP and pro-Iraq circles have connived to this assassination attack. It is worth noting that this attack happened after the visit by Iraqi PM, Haydar Abadi, to Ankara. Mâm Zeki Şengali has represented the Yazidis in his many meetings with the Iraqi officials. This is a fact that necessitates the Iraqi government to make a statement on this assassination attempt and attack on Sinjar. The Iraqi government had previously stated its opposition to any attack on Sinjar. Have they now reached an agreement with Turkey and given it the permission to attack? The public opinion and the Yazidis are expecting a statement from the Iraqi officials. If the Iraqi government and the KDP have no ties with this attack, they have to state it publicly and condemn the attack. The Yazidis have risen up everywhere. While staging protests against the genocidal policies of the Turkish state, the Yezidi community are expecting clarifications from the Iraqi officials and the KDP authorities.

The Turkish state had launched air raids against Sinjar. Iraq, US and the KDP are responsible for any violation of Iraqi air space. They let the Turkish jets bomb Sinjar. These bombing happen because these forces don’t oppose it, even approve it. Those who failed to deter the ISIL genocidal attack on Sinjar are accomplices to the last attack. If they don’t want abetting further genocidal attacks on Sinjar they have to immediately close the Iraqi airspace to Turkish fighter jets.

The only way to protect the Yazidis from further massacres is the establishment of the democratic self-administration of Sinjar and the recognition of this self-administration by Iraq and international forces. The August 3, 2014 ISIL attack on Sinjar has revealed that there are no other ways to save the Yazidis from genocide.

It is publically known that the forces who protected the Yazidis against ISIS’ genocidal attack were HPG-YJA Star and YPG/YPJ guerrillas. Any denial of this fact is socially and politically immoral. Yazidis were saved from genocide in Sinjar, with the guerrilla defending them, and they have since built their autonomous life and wish to secure themselves against genocidal attacks. That is why they have started building institutions for autonomy on the one hand, and formed their self-defense forces, YBŞ and YJŞ, on the other hand. After the YBŞ/YJŞ were founded, the guerrillas withdrew from Sinjar stating that ‘we are ready to defend Sinjar in case of any other attack’. The latest attack happened after the guerrillas’ withdrawal, exposing the genocidal policies of the Turkish state against the Yazidi people. By attacking Sinjar they want to follow through the Yazidi genocide they have long committed in Bakur (North) Kurdistan. Attacking the self-defense and autonomy of Yazidis is a direct genocidal crime.

Mâm Zeki headed towards Sinjar immediately after ISIS attacked there. He arrived there in a very short time and spearheaded the Yazidis’ efforts to hold on to Sinjar and build up a self-administration there. He worked round-the-clock to organize Yazidis, ensure their stay in Sinjar and create a self-administration for Sinjar. His efforts won the hearts of the Yazidis and he soon become their Mâm Zeki. The Yazidi people will never forget their Mâm Zeki, and will certainly substantiate his aspirations to an autonomous Ezîdxan.

Aware of the genocidal aims of this attack, the Yazidis have risen up everywhere; for an attack against the leader of a people is a genocidal act. Waging a 35-years-long struggle for the rights of the Yazidi people, Comrade Zeki had become the leader of the Yazidis. In this sense, we call on all Yazidis and the Kurdish people to protest this attack, rise up against the genocidal attacks on the Yazidis and defend and defend the self-administration of Êzîdxan. Mâm Zeki’s aspirations have turned into a goal for all Yazidis. We call on all Yazidis all over the world stand in solidarity with the Sinjar self-administration structure, join the YBŞ and YJŞ, strengthen their self-defense, stand against all attacks against Sinjar, substantiate Leader Apo and Mâm Zeki’s aspirations to a self-administered Sinjar and get it accepted by everyone.

We would like to reemphasize that the Turkish state, by doing such massacres and assassinations, is heading for a fall. Our Movement and our people will step up their struggle against this genocidal power and will know how to hold them accountable.

Down with the genocidal colonialist Turkish state, the enemy of all the Kurds

Long live the democratic self-administration of Êzidîxan

Co-Presidency

KCK Executive Council

16 August 2018

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Kurdish leader reveals details of first meeting with Syrian government

Helbast Shekhani |

Kurdish leader reveals details of first meeting with Syrian government

Salih Muslim, former co-president of the Syrian Kurdish Democratic Union Party (PYD), currently a top official in Rojava Foreign Relations Body, speaks to Kurdistan24 from the Syrian predominantly Kurdish northeastern city of Qamishlo, Rojava, Syria, July 29, 2018. (Photo: Kurdistan24)

QAMISHLO (Kurdistan 24) – The former co-chair of the Democratic Union Party (PYD), the ruling party in Syrian Kurdistan (Rojava), on Sunday revealed several details related to the latest official meeting of the Kurdish-run self-administration delegation with Syrian government officials in Damascus.

In an exclusive interview with Kurdistan 24, Salih Muslim said the meeting with government officials might be followed by another series of meetings to extend talks and include political and military issues.

FIRST OFFICIAL MEETING

Muslim said negotiations in Damascus began following an official invitation by the government.

“The meeting with government officials was to get to know each other and establish confidence, develop reciprocal relations,” he said.

He added that subsequent meetings could help chart a roadmap for Syria’s future and form committees to operate across the country.

“The atmosphere of the first meeting was positive and promising, as they accepted to discuss the notion of a decentralized system,” Muslim noted.

Regarding the committees, Muslim said they would be formed to address the delivery of public services first, before political and military concerns.

“The committees will be linked to central authorities in the region, but not to the government in Damascus. The government will have their own committees,” he said.

Regarding reports that northern and eastern regions would be handed over to the Syrian government, Muslim assured the Syrian Democratic Council (SDC) does not have the authority to discuss such matters without referring to the local councils.

SYRIAN GOVERNMENT THREATS

Answering a question on recent Syrian regime threats against the Kurdish administration, Muslim said, “The Syrian regime has always thought it could control the situation by force, like Ghouta and Daraa, but for our region, things are different.”

Muslim said those who attended the meeting on the government side were “top officials.”

“If there are conditions, we are ready to discuss them, but when it comes to threats, of course, this is unacceptable; if we want to find a solution for the whole country, it cannot be discussed under threats,” he further asserted.

TALKS OR NEGOTIATIONS?

Muslim said the initial meeting was just preliminary and introductory talks, but if it comes to legitimate negotiations, a third party should attend.

“We have informed international powers to guarantee a third party is present during any negotiations.”

US STANCE

Regarding any role the US might have played in talks taking place with the government, Muslim said the Kurdish self-administration did not wait for permission from international powers to do so, instead simply informing them.

“We informed all relevant international powers that we were going to meet government officials. It was our decision to accept the government’s invitation, and it’s our responsibility to seek solutions to the crisis,” he said.

“We accepted the invitation to talks with the government because we do believe dialogue is the optimal means to start recovering from the crisis,” Muslim affirmed.

Just as with the Americans, Muslim further added, no other international player expressed reservations about the talks.

“International powers know political decisions are taken by our administration, not by any other party or force, and this is why they will have a positive stance toward our decision,” he stated.

IDLIB OPERATION

On military operations against Turkish-backed militants in Idlib and Afrin, Muslim stressed that “wherever there are terrorists, we ready to fight them, as we fought them in Serikani, Raqqa, and many other parts of Syria.”

He said militant groups in Idlib are not different from those in Afrin.

“Fighting in Idlib or Afrin is our duty and responsibility, and when we fight in Idlib, it will be our decision as we are not tools in the hands of others,” he said.

US-RUSSIAN AGREEMENT

Commenting on the effect of any agreement between the US and Russia on their respective allies in Syria, Muslim said it would not be easy to implement on the ground.

“It’s difficult for the regime, backed by Russia, to change its mind as it still thinks it can win everywhere by force. So, even if the Russians come to an agreement with the Americans, forces on the ground may not change their stances,” he said.

Muslim further commented that Syria could never be as it was before the civil war and that the regime should take that “into consideration.”

“If the regime accepts our vision and project of a decentralized system, and accepts all groups and factions, then our views will be more aligned, and we may actually reach a solution,” he said.

Whether the Syrian regime can take the country’s north by force, Muslim said, “We always say we prefer dialogue, but if the government resorts to violence, we are ready to fight for ourselves and protect our territories.”

KURDISH INTERNAL PROBLEMS

About the Syrian Kurdish National Council (ENKS) which is considered the opposition to the PYD-led administration, Muslim confirmed the door is open for any party to join the self-administration.

ENKS, a part of the Turkey-based Syrian Arab opposition, has been engaged in political disputes with the PYD-led administration of Syria’s Kurdish-held northern areas known as Rojava.

“We accept all forces on the ground to participate in finding a solution, and our delegation to Damascus contained not only Kurds but other factions as well, including Arabs and Syriacs,” he said.

NEW SYRIAN CONSTITUTION

Muslim cautioned that while there are Kurds in government and opposition delegations, and in the committees working on the drafting of a new constitution, whether in Geneva or Sochi, none of the Kurdish members represent the Kurds as an entire group.

“There should be no Kurdish member claiming to represent the Kurds as a whole, and any decision that comes from them would not bind us as well,” he said.

Editing by Nadia Riva

(Interview conducted by Kurdistan 24 office in Qamishlo and Kurdistan 24 Presenter Jamal Batun in Erbil

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Syrian Democratic Council ready for ‘unconditional talks’ with Assad regime

By Rudaw 10/6/2018

A Syrian child walks past a gun among destroyed buildings in Kobane on May 27, 2018. Photo: Delil Souleiman / AFP

ERBIL, Kurdistan Region – The Syrian Democratic Council (SDC), a Kurdish-Arab alliance and political wing of the US-backed Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), announced on Sunday it is ready for peace talks with Syrian President Bashar al-Assad’s regime.

In a statement, the SDC said it wants to resolve the deadly conflict in Syria, now in its eight year, through dialogue and would not “hesitate to agree to unconditional talks” with the Syrian government, as reported by AFP.
Hekmat Habib, head of the SDC, told AFP both the council and the SDF “are serious about opening a door to dialogue” with the Syrian regime.

“With the SDF’s control of 30 percent of Syria, and the regime’s control of swathes of the country, these are the only two forces who can sit at the negotiating table and formulate a solution to the Syrian crisis,” he said.

Kurdish authorities hope to avoid military confrontation and attempt a rapprochement with the Syrian regime.

In an interview with the Kremlin-backed Russia Today (RT) network last month, President Assad said the SDF is “the only problem left in Syria” and threatened to use force if negotiations over Syrian territory proved unsuccessful.

Syrian Foreign Minister Walid Muallem said the regime is holding informal talks with the Kurds, but negotiations have not officially started. Details have not been shared by either side.

The conflict in Syria began after mass protests in March 2011 escalated into a full scale civil war between pro-Syrian regime forces and rebel factions.

The rise of ISIS across Iraq and Syria in 2014 further complicated the situation, causing regional and global powers to be drawn into the conflict.

Kurds in Syria’s northern provinces carved out their own autonomous region of Rojava. They have generally maintained an uneasy truce with Assad over the course of the war.

The US-led anti-ISIS coalition has been working with the SDF to oust the terror group.

Turkey has been a main backer of opposition groups trying to remove Assad from power, while Russia and Iran have been among his main allies.

However, Turkey, Iran and Russia have teamed up to help mediate a peace settlement to end the conflict.

They have failed to negotiate a lasting ceasefire through several rounds of peace talks in the Kazakh capital of Astana, which officially began in December 2016. United Nations-led talks in Geneva have also failed to end the conflict.

SDC chief Habib told AFP all non-Syrian military forces should leave the war-torn country, including roughly 2,000 US troops.

“We are looking forward, in the next phase, to the departure of all military forces from Syria and the return to Syrian-Syrian dialogue,” he added.

More than half a million people have been killed over the course of the war, according to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights. Around half of all Syrians have been displaced at one time or another, sparking the worst refugee crisis since World War II.

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UN report details large-scale human rights abuses in Afrin under Turkish military control

By SCF July 8, 2018

Turkish military on Sunday completed its 11th round of patrolling in the northern Syrian city of Manbij .

The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) in a monthly report for June details large-scale human rights abuses in areas under Turkish military control, specifically Syria’s Afrin province, which was wrested from the Kurdish People’s Protection Units (YPG) by the Turkish military in March.

OHCHR has called on the Turkish government to ensure that rebels under the umbrella of Turkey’s ally the Free Syria Army (FSA) adhere to international humanitarian law, Wladimir van Wilgenburg writes in a report for Kurdistan 24.

“Civilians now living in areas under the control of Turkish forces and affiliated armed groups continue to face hardships, which in some instances may amount to violations of international humanitarian law and violations or abuses of international human rights law,” the OHCHR report said.

Turkish-backed FSA forces and the Turkish army took vast territory in northern Syria during Operation Euphrates Shield (August 2016-March 2017) and Operation Olive Branch (January-March 2018) to prevent the Syrian Kurds from creating an autonomous region.

As a result of these operations and agreements with Russia and Syria, Turkey now controls a large contiguous area from Jarabulus to Idlib. According to the report, the security situation under Turkish-backed rebel control remains volatile, with internal fighting among Turkish-backed groups.

“Sources in Afrin and other areas in northern Aleppo Governorate report to OHCHR that there are high levels of violent crime,” the report says. “With civilians falling victim to robberies, harassment, abductions, and murder. OHCHR continues to receive allegations of discrimination against civilians perceived to hold sympathies or affiliations to Kurdish forces.”

“OHCHR has received reports of lawlessness and rampant criminality committed by armed groups in areas under the control of Turkish forces and armed groups operating under their control in northern Syria,” the report adds.

“Civilians have informed OHCHR that a number of members of armed opposition groups operating in the area are former well-known local criminals, smugglers, or drug dealers.”

Furthermore, OHCHR confirms reports that large-scale looting of private property from houses and shops along with government and military facilities, and seizures of private real estate by fighters from various Turkish-affiliated armed groups took place.

“Large-scale looting is believed to have taken place immediately after each area was taken, although reports continue to be received that looting – particularly of vehicles and agricultural equipment – continues on a daily basis,” the report added.

According to the report, a substantial amount of looted property is believed to have been sold in marketplaces in Azaz, despite claims that the local “police” in Azaz have detained many individuals accused of responsibility for the looting.

Furthermore, the report details the abduction of civilians, which information indicates is often motivated by ransom. “OHCHR has documented at least 11 cases in which civilians including women and children were abducted, some of them later released after paying ransoms ranging between USD 1,000 to 3,000, while the whereabouts of others remain unknown,” the report said.

The report confirms that thousands of fighters, their family members and civilians displaced and evacuated from the Eastern Ghouta, rural Homs, and Hama governorates are now occupying homes of mostly Kurdish civilians who fled violence in Afrin in February and March.

“Many civilians seeking to return to their homes have found them occupied by these fighters and their families, who have refused to vacate them and return them to their rightful owners,” the report said.

OHCHR is concerned that permitting ethnic Arabs to occupy the houses of Kurds who have fled effectively prevents the Kurds from returning to their homes and may be an attempt to change the ethnic composition of the area permanently.

Furthermore, there are reports that civilian property is being confiscated under the pretext that the person had in some way been affiliated with Kurdish forces.

OHCHR also continues to receive complaints that civilians, including women, are taken from their homes or detained at checkpoints, based on accusations of being affiliated to Kurdish forces.

“The whereabouts of a large number of such civilians remain unknown,” the report states.

“As a matter of priority, OHCHR urges the Republic of Turkey to ensure that all armed groups over which it exercises control in Afrin and other areas of Syria strictly adhere to their obligations under international humanitarian law. Furthermore, OHCHR urges all parties to strictly adhere to all applicable rules of IHL in relation to the protection of civilians.”

The report also calls on Turkey and Turkish-backed rebels to ensure that displaced persons are facilitated in returning to their homes in dignity and safety in full compliance with humanitarian principles.

Meanwhile, the Turkish military on Sunday completed its 11th round of patrolling in the northern Syrian city of Manbij as part of a deal with the US to rid the area of the YPG/PKK. In a message posted on its official Twitter account, the Turkish General Staff said both countries’ forces conducted separate coordinated patrols in the area between the Operation Euphrates Shield region and Manbij.

The first patrols by Turkish and US troops in the region began on June 18. The Manbij deal between Turkey and the US focuses on the withdrawal of the PKK-affiliated YPG from the city in order to stabilize the region. Should the Manbij model prove to be a success, Turkey will push for a similar arrangement in eastern Syria.

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The ‘Turkification’ policy in Northern Syria goes on

Turkey wants to make its presence a permanent reality in Afrin and the other zones it occupied in Northern Syria.

ANF
NEWS DESK
Sunday, 8 Jul 2018, 15:30

The Turkish state has been seeking to establish a buffer zone in Northern Syria since the beginning of the Syrian war. The presence of Turkmens in Shehba constitutes the basis for this plan.

The Turkish state has been active in the region through operation “Euphrates Shield” and on 24 August 2014 it has received Jarablus from DAESH mercenaries.

After the occupation of Jarablus, the Turkish state has provided extensive military support to DAESH mercenaries to prevent the SDF (the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces) forces from liberating Raqqa.

The Turkish state occupied centers such as Jarablus, al-Bab, Azaz and Cobanbey in cooperation with mercenaries belonging to DAESH and al-Nusra while maintaining the policy of Syrian regime forces in this region.

The Turkish state forced the Kurdish and Arab peoples in the region to migrate towards eastern Euphrates and Aleppo.

After the Turkish state forced the Kurdish and Arab families in the region to migrate, Turkmens from different regions of Iraq and Syria began to settle in the now semi-empty Kurdish and Arab cities. The Turkish state carried out massacres and killed thousands of people as well as seizing their goods and houses.

The Turkish state quickly brought these cities and areas under its control and implemented new policies aimed at making its presence permanent.

The Turkish state hanged photographs of the soldiers killed in the conflict at the entrance of the cities, while posters of Turkish President, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, and Turkish flags were hanged in all the institutions in the cities.

The city of Afrin was brutally assaulted by the Turkish regime. Attacks extended to Shehba Canton as well. The Turkish state established stations in Idlib appointing “responsible” officials and it also put up many observation points in the region under the pretext of being a “war zone”.

Turkish telephone companies quickly started to establish network stations in the region. Turkcell company, which set up network poles in many areas of Shehba, has now begun to set up network poles in Idlib and Afrin.

The Turkish state is rapidly implementing its policies of Turkification in the cities it has occupied.

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SDF: 31 villages liberated in Operation Cizire Storm

SDF General Command has issued a statement on the Operation Cizire Storm and said, “As part of the ongoing operation from two sides, Shaddadi and Hawl, an area of 330 square kilometers including 31 villages have been liberated.”

ANF
NEWS DESK
Saturday, 7 Jul 2018, 12:05

Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) General Command issued a written statement on the actions carried out as part of the Operation Cizire Storm against ISIS gangs between June 24 and July 5.

SDF Press Center announced that after the Dashisha town to the south of Hesekê was liberated as part of phase two of the Cizire Storm, SDF forces carried out a series of actions against gangs between June 24 and July 5, 2018 and continued:

“As part of the ongoing operation from two sides, Shaddadi and Hawl, an area of 330 square kilometers including 31 villages has been liberated.The villages of Tiwêmiyê, Se’ida, Soyan, Hewîca, Reyhaniyê, El-Seracî, Xedîr Ebdella, Elmedîna, Wadî Elşok, Celxem, Xêra xerbî, Zixîr, Eldebça, Cilêb Neda, Xêra şerqî, Seqar, Wadî Ebû Hemdî, Wadî Elşeca, Sehayêm, Kulêb Foqanî, Elsîha, Ebû Fas, Riwêh, Xezîm, Mişêrfa, Kulêb Tehtanî, Abar Elebid, Elecraş, Elecrûş and Kelka, as well as dozens of subdistricts, have been liberated and hundreds of civilians have been rescued.

Our forces have entered clashes with ISIS mercenaries at least 4 times using heavy, medium and lightweight weapons.

On Thursday, there were intense clashes between our forces in both fronts and ISIS gangs. The gangs’ attempts to stop the advance of our forces failed, 4 gang members were killed and a further 8 were captured alive.

Our forces have confiscated large amounts of weapons and ammunition. The confiscated weapons and ammunition are as follows: 1 radio, 3 Kalashnikovs, 1 M60, 1 RPG, several hand grenades and one mortar shell.

In clashes, one of our fighters was martyred and three were wounded.

International Coalition aircrafts carried out 4 bombings against ISIS bases, killing 8 gang members and destroying 2 vehicles and 1 motorcycle. An ISIS base was also completely demolished.”

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Back to society‘s roots: witnessing the battle for history at Rojava`s archaeological sites

Posted on June 30, 2018by MW IntCommune

Rojava is home to many of the oldest sites of human society, culture and history, dating back 5000 years or more. Members of the Internationalist Commune, together with archaeology students from Rojava’s Tevgera Xwendekaren Demokratik (TXD, or Democratic Students’ Movement), recently visited several of these ancient sites as part of a joint education. We saw how remnants of over settlements, cities and temple complexes have stood the test of time, hidden beneath the earth.

But since the beginning of the 20th century, excavations have taken place. Many of the objects that have come to light, such as the Pergamon Altar, are since this time in the hands of the Western colonial powers. The objects are now displayed far away from their original location and completely ripped out of their context in the museums of Europe.

“It is an essential part of colonialism that the colonized peoples are deprived of the history which forms a vital part of their identity. To this day, this form of oppression and exploitation continues.”

Moreover, the fascist Turkish state deliberately bombed and destroyed ancient monuments and religious sites – including UNESCO world heritage sites dating back 3000 years – during their violent onslaught on Afrin. They sought to obliterate the history of religious diversity in the region, and wipe out Kurdish society’s ancient connection to the land.

We visited sites dating back thousands of years, like this ancient hillside town since appropriated by Daesh

Daesh likewise plundered ancient sites before their defeat by Rojava’s democratic forces, with many of the treasures they stole ending up for sale in Western auction houses.

It is an essential part of colonialism that the colonized peoples are deprived of the history which forms a vital part of their identity. To this day, this form of oppression and exploitation continues.

Before and during these excursions, there were seminars on archaeological and historical topics, along with discussions on jineologi, the history of Kurdistan and the principles of the revolutionary movement here. The aim of the education was to give as broad as possible an overview about the history of societies, and to show how this history lives on to this day and is reflected in the social structures of the present.

We were studying alongside Kurdish and Arabic students, some of whom were well-connected to the revolutionary movement but some of whom were hearing these revolutionary analyses of history for the first time. For many of us this was our first time in Kurdish society, and studying in Kurmanci for a week was a big challenge – but also a chance to rapidly improve our language skills, and see the movement’s ideology in action among the local youth.

For our first trip we visited the ancient community of Til Bede near Heseke. Many remains of temples and houses were dug up and reconstructed there, on foundations from about 3000 BC. During this time about 20,000 people lived there. It was very impressive to see this old place full with history and to walk through the streets and houses, seeing how the holy quarters were kept divided from the general population as social hierarchies emerged in this nascent society.

Our visit to Tel Bede showed us how ancient society became regulated and divided by the powerful

European archaeologists fled the site with the outbreak of the Syrian Civil War, and the earthworks were now sadly untended and full of trash. When we do not care for ecology, or are forced to abandon this priority by war, we begin to lose touch with our history.

The next day we visited another ancient site, dating back to the Assyrian civilisation. Remains of walls dating back thousands of years are located directly next to a reservoir, half-buried next to an inconspicuous hill. There are also some caves, ancient earthworks repurposed by Daesh to use for shelter against airstrikes.

There are potsherds and bones scattered all over the place, which are obviously very old, even dating from the beginnings of these settlements several thousands of years ago. A friend found – to the surprise of all and entirely by chance – a stone plate marked with cuneiform. The teacher estimated it was 3000 years old, yet it was lying there there just like that.

The official excavations have not started there yet and it will probably take a long time for this to happen. Our teacher told us that the reservoir was deliberately located there by the Assad regime, destroying many other architectural links to the past which now lie decomposing below its dirty waters. Meanwhile Daesh can plunder the sites with impunity, in effective collusion with Western states who turn a blind eye to the sale of looted goods.

Only the king of Gire Moza was allowed into this holy place to commune with his ancestors, reinforcing his status

We made a final visit to Girê Moza. This place has been excavated very widely and many of the remains of temple complexes have been uncovered and partly reconstructed. Here, we saw how the proto-state’s physical structure came to mirror repressive social hierarchies at this time in human history, with only the king granted access to a holy place where he could commune with his ancestors.

This reflects Abdullah Öcalan’s work on archaeology, which we studied in the classroom in between trips. As humans moved into larger settlements, they left behind the natural society in which they lived in egalitarian, decentralised groups without patriarchal structures.

With the accumulation of wealth in the hands of powerful men came oppression, sexist domination, and the abuse of religion to keep the general population under the dominion of the elite. Having met these ideas in education, we could see them in reality on the land before us.

“The enemies of the revolution are working to destroy both the present and the past.”

As ANF found in their recent report on Rojava’s archaeological heritage, “Northern Syria is the direct cultural and geographical continuation of cultures on the historic hill of Göbekli Tepe and Newala Çori, and has many places of immense historical significance…. The history of the Neolithic, in particular, acquired a new meaning for society through the revolution, which it understands as part of its essence.“

The enemies of the revolution are working to destroy both the present and the past, demolishing and denying Rojava‘s links to millennia of human struggle. On our travels around Rojava we saw clearly that the two cannot be separated. By defending archaeology, we are defending our history, our land – and our future.

– Heval Şevger

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KCK: Election results are illegitimate

KCK Executive Council Co-Presidency issued a written statement on the outcome of the June 24 elections and said Erdoğan’s election and the fascist bloc achieving parliamentary majority can’t be considered legitimate.

ANF
BEHDINAN
Tuesday, 26 Jun 2018, 12:03

The written statement issued by the KCK said the AKP-MHP fascist alliance usurped the presidency and took parliamentary majority with all kinds of tricks and fraud in the elections. The statement added: “This is not a success, this is not getting stronger.” KCK pointed out that the fascist alliance was only able to remain in power through state resources and oppression. KCK stated that a new era of oppression against forces of democracy is around the corner and stressed that democracy can only be achieved through struggle. KCK also commended the Kurdish people and the forces of democracy who all came together around the HDP and made the party overcome the election threshold despite all the pressure.

THERE MUST BE A STANCE AGAINST THE ILLEGITIMATE FASCIST GOVERNMENT

The KCK statement is as follows:

“Elections were held under the State of Emergency, in conditions of pressure and inequality, with much fraud. These elections held to legitimize the AKP-MHP fascist government’s anti-democracy and anti-Kurdish policies used every trick, pressure and method to achieve that end. The conditions the elections were held under, the pressure during the election process and interventions with the ballots illegitimize these elections. The AKP-MHP fascit government, who don’t want to step down through elections and consider winning the elections to be a matter of independence for Turkey, have resorted to all kinds of tricks and pressure to remain in power. In this sense, neither the presidential election nor the fascist alliance taking parliamentary majority cannot be considered legitimate. Forces of democracy must not consider these results legitimate, they must take a stance against this illegitimate fascist government and make their struggle permanent.

HDP’S SUCCESS

In these elections, the biggest goal for the AKP-MHP fascism, along with their lesser goals, was to push the HDP below the election threshold. But all the tricks and the pressure was not enough to do that, as the Kurdish people and the peoples of Turkey embraced the HDP. For that, we commend the Kurdish people and the forces of democracy who gathered around the HDP.

THE AKP-MHP ALLIANCE ONLY REMAINS IN POWER THROUGH STATE RESOURCES AND OPPRESSION

The AKP-MHP fascist alliance usurping the presidency and taking the parliamentary majority through all kinds of tricks and fraud must not be seen as a success, or them gaining strength. In truth, the peoples of Turkey have hown that they don’t want to be under the rule of this fascist government. They can only remain in power through state resoures and oppression. If not for these, it is not possible for this government, who pit the peoples of Turkey against each other and create an unhappy social spirit where everybody feuds with their neighbors and coworkers, would never be accepted by the peoples. When the people fight, they won’t be able to stand against the will of the peoples of Turkey. When forces of democracy fight against this fascist government, the government won’t live long.

THE AKP-MHP ALLIANCE HAS LOST SOCIETAL SUPPORT IN TURKEY

AKP and MHP are not political parties that can be the governing power in a society. They are only fascist and genocidal forces that aim for government through animosity against the Kurdish people, all peoples and all diversity. No understanding of governance that riles up chauvinism in society through animosity against Kurds and different social groups and then gathering strength or votes through that chauvinism is acceptable in terms of morality or societal values. No society or country deserves to be ruled by such parties.

The AKP-MHP alliance has lost societal support in Turkey. As such, when they understood that they would lose in the election, like all fascist governments they have chosen to rile up chauvinism. Although there is no activity against Qandil but routine air strikes, they lied and said they were conducting a ground operation, that they were close to Qandil to trick society. As if that wasn’t enough, they aimed to increase their votes with the lie that they hit 35 PKK-KCK administrators. The rule of these political parties that tell these lies that don’t comply with any ethics and increase votes through such means should not be seen as legitimate and should not be accepted.

A NEW PERIOD OF OPPRESSION AGAINST FORCES OF DEMOCRACY

The AKP-MHP fascist alliance is an alliance of war against the Kurdish people and the forces of democracy. In this sense, they will claim their policies are approved and continue with the wars and attacks. As they continue their aggression against the Kurdish people’s struggle for freedom, they will increase oppression to make the forces of deomcracy and democrats in Turkey surrender. They will try to make the whole society and all the forces of democracy complicit in their policies of war. In this sense, they will launch a new period of oppression against forces of democracy.

DEMOCRACY CAN ONLY COME THROUGH STRUGGLE

The Kurdish people and the forces of democracy should know that democracy can come to Turkey only through struggle against this fascist government. There is no other way but strugle to resolve all issues Turkey has within democracy. It is now understood that the AKP-MHP alliance won’t step down through elections. Because this is not governing a society. This is a government of war that aims to crush the forces of democracy. And against such a government, it is high time to organize and develop the struggle without a day’s delay. In this sense, it is important for all the forces of democracy in Turkey come together in the widest possible alliance for democracy. On this basis, the widest alliance for democracy must fight the AKP-MHP fascist government in all possible areas.

KURDISH FREEDOM MOVEMENT WILL FIGHT EVERYWHERE

The AKP-MHP fascist alliance has declared that they will continue their genocidal attacks against Kurds everywhere following the June 24 elections. Kurdish youth must respond to this by rushing to the areas of the freedom struggle and to raise the struggle against fascism anywhere they are.

We as the Kurdish Freedom Movement will fight this fascist government that is against democracy and peoples everywhere. Our struggle will continue with a strong will and great resolve until this fascist government is defeated and our peoples are free. This fascist government doesn’t have long to live. Our people’s struggle for freedom and democracy will bring the end of this fascist government.”

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Stop the Turkish Invasion of South Kurdistan (Iraqi Kurdistan)

Written on June 6, 2018 by Editor in Iraq, KRG, Kurd news, Kurdistan, Turkey

Kurdistan National Kongress (KNK) Statement:

The Kurds in Iraq and Syria have been engaged in an epic battle against the Islamic State (ISIS) in Iraq and Syria, an organisation that stands in opposition not only to the Kurds, but also to the region as a whole, in its attempts to create a Salafist system. This attempt poses an immense threat to humanitarian values, beliefs and democratic norms. In the war against this barbaric gang the Kurds have played a deeply significant role, opening the path for their final defeat. Today, ISIS is losing ground and their capacity to threaten the West, especially the EU countries, has been significantly reduced.

However, the AKP government, which has been complicit with ISIS in its barbaric attacks, is not satisfied and having realised that it could not neutralise the Kurdish Freedom Movement with ISIS, has begun a more direct attack. It now aims to destroy all the gains and progressive developments made by the Kurds in both the South and West of Kurdistan.

The Turkish state’s illegal bombing and invasion of Afrin in Northern Syria

The Turkish state has illegally bombed and invaded Afrin, a Kurdish-majority region which had been a peaceful oasis in a war-torn country, a site of refuge, and stronghold of the democratic confederal project. This criminal invasion has led to hundreds of deaths and a further wave of mass displacement. Most alarming are the indications of plans for full-scale ethnic cleansing of Kurds.

Turkey’s potential invasion of Iraqi Kurdish territory

There are increasing signs of an imminent full-scale invasion of Iraqi Kurdish territory, including the mountainous Qandil region of northern Iraq, in an attempt to further encircle and strangle the only place of freedom in the region. Turkish warplanes have carried out frequent bombing campaigns in the Kurdish areas ( Metina, Avasin, Zap, Basyan, Gare, Xakurk and Kandil) in Kurdistan- northern Iraq and have killed many civilians.

Representatives of the Kurdish people have repeatedly raised their fears and called upon all governments and international organisations (the UN, NATO, the EU and the Arab League) to prevent Turkey’s military border incursions and violations of Iraqi sovereignty.

As yet there has been no international response, and the state of Turkey is emboldened to make further incursions and to attempt to take control of the region by deploying additional troops and establishing new military bases ( in addition to the 18 bases already established) and intelligence outposts in the region. With the Turkish Gendarmerie engaging in military parades in the villages within the Sidekan district of the province of Diyana, region of Hewler (the capital of KRG) governorate, it is clear they are treating the occupied land as their own territory.

Break the silence against Turkey’s invasion of Kurdistan

We call on all relevant bodies (political parties, human rights organisations, trade unionists and activists) to stand with us and take action against this violation of international law, to unambiguously condemn this crime of aggression, and to demand that Turkey withdraws its troops from Kurdistan.

We call upon all governments and international organisations (the UN, NATO, the EU and the Arab League) as well as the world’s democratic peoples, to oppose this Turkish aggression.

Kurdistan National Kongress (KNK)

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How a heroic Manchester man is bringing water to a war torn community in Syria

Daniel Burke is raising funds to build a well – and you can help

Ana Iliescu

June 7, 2018

Daniel Burke is a man on a mission.

The 30 year-old from Wythenshawe has been fighting ISIS with the Kurdish militia in Syria for over seven months and is determined to continue to do so until the end.

Recently, however, he has been told he needs to take some time off for a while, to rest and regain his strength. So he has decided to focus more on civilian work.

He is hoping to raise £700 to help install a new water well in Nashowa, a small village in Syria.

Water supplies have now depleted in Nashowa, putting many men, women and children at severe risk, especially with the brutal summer approaching, when temperatures can hit over 50 degrees for days or even weeks.

“We need to hire the equipment to dig down, pipe up and supply the village with the water,” says Daniel.

“We will be using local businesses for supplies, so donations are injected back into the local community. We have a team of both local and international volunteers working for us.”

His initiative is dedicated to his best friend Oliver Hall, who died fighting ISIS in Raqqa last year.

“Ollie and I had the same mindset of defeating ISIS and then helping the people who have been deeply affected by their sickening crimes. We wanted to work in remote villages, where help is needed the most, but where aid cannot reach them due to safety reasons.”

Daniel joined the British Army as a paratrooper before being deployed to Helmand, Afghanistan in 2008. On his return he was diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder after an incident that also cost him his career in the army.

After getting help from the Kathe Locke Centre in Moss Side, he decided to focus on his career in the construction industry.

“I made a rather comfortable life for myself. I moved out into the countryside with my girlfriend and had a lovely house and a very good job. But my mind couldn’t rest knowing what was happening over there.”

Daniel had several contacts in the Middle East who were sending him pictures and stories which made him eager to want to help. He applied to volunteer in early 2015/16 but cancelled due to his family severely criticising his decision and his girlfriend persuading him to stay.

“They didn’t understand the whole situation, regardless how many times I told them. I was trying to lead a normal life, but with the attacks happening all over Europe and knowing all the pain they (ISIS) were inflicting all over the Middle East, I decided to start my application again in late 2016, near Christmas.”

The terror attacks in London and Manchester only made Daniel even more certain that enrolling was the right decision to make.

Daniel, who proudly wears an I Love Manchester badge on his uniform, has been sending us video updates, explained the unimaginably difficult situation he finds himself in.

In one video he says: “Last night was a freezing cold night. The position we’re in isn’t great because you can’t see if anyone sneaks in. Nearby where we are there was a suicide attack with a car bomb last night. Not sure how many people were killed there because a mine exploded.”

Despite the hunger, the cold and the loss Daniel’s tone is usually stubbornly positive. He talks about the camaraderie between those fighting in Syria and doesn’t seem to be startled any more by the sound of gunfire you can hear in the background.

“Most of the guys I live with are Arabs. We slept on the streets together, in the blistering cold and we fought together. It’s hard to communicate but we make it work though. It really is a band of brothers, because you rely on each other so much,” he says.

Another one of his videos shows the place he’s currently living in, together with his comrades. It’s a ramshackle compound where the whitewashed walls are covered with pictures of their fallen friends.

Daniel gets emotional when he mentions Ollie Hall. The last few months since his passing have been really hard, he says.

“He passed away in Raqqa after triggering an IED (a type of bomb) while trying to save two children who wandered into a building laced with IRDs (an improvised explosive device).

“He truly was a great friend and he died doing the job he came here to do: to save the civilians and help them in any way possible.

“We were both looking at going into the civilian section after the fight is over, to help rebuild this lovely country.”

When things get really hard, Daniel remembers why he is there and who he’s fighting for.

That’s why he likes spending time with civilians and has been doing work with a local charity trying to help Syrian children.

“As we were clearing through Abu Hammond (region South of Deir Ezzor) we could see families returning back to their houses, wearing normal clothing.

“Even the children s

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Report: Kurdish population in Afrin dropped to 18 percent

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ISIS standards in Girê Spî: Women forced to veil themselves

TURKISH PROVISION OF MATERIAL SUPPORT TO AL-QAEDA-LINKED GROUPS IN IDLIB:

This dossier will briefly examine the evolving relationship between Turkey and al-Qaeda offshoots and proxies in Idlib, in particular HTS, before compiling visual evidence of the proliferation of armored vehicles and heavy weaponry among these groups in Idlib province.

Report: 447 civilians killed by Turkish forces at Syrian border

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“Erdoğan experiences a political and military defeat in Idlib”

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Syrian Kurds push UN for action on Idlib humanitarian crisis

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The truth about Turkey’s role in Syria

Turkey-backed forces accused of cutting water to Syrian Kurdish-run region

Ethnic makeup to be changed

‘We will not let Kurds lose their rights’

Brainwashed against the Kurds

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Syria: Who’s in control of Idlib?

Who controls Idlib?

Other groups

Foreign militants

Civilians trapped in Idlib

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YPJ fighter Nûcan Cuma martyred in Serêkaniyê

People arbitrarily detained as “YPG sympathizers” in Afrin

How could Idlib escalation affect Syrian Kurds?

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The Kurds of Northern Syria: Governance, Diversity and Conflicts: An Interview with coauthor Wladimir van Wilgenburg

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Turkish army shells Shera and Ain Issa

Turkey’s mercenaries cut down 400 olive trees in Afrin

SDF: Turkey wants to extend the occupation zone

1,500 jihadist families settled in Serekaniye

YPG: We repeat our oath to our people to liberate Afrin

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SDF statement on the killing of ISIS leader al-Baghdadi

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412 SDF fighters killed in Turkey’s northern Syria offensive: senior Kurdish official

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Report on use of chemical weapons by the Turkish Armed Forces in Northern Syria

A lifelong struggle

A society build around communes and assemblies

The spirit of a democratic nation

Transforming gender relations

SDF’s Xelil: Turkish army violated the ceasefire 37 times

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The assault on Rojava

Collateral damage

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HEYVA SORA KURD (KURDISH RED CRESCENT)

Turkish military and Islamic groups invasion in Northeast Syria:

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Call for resistance against Turkey’s plan to invade Rojava

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To the public

General Command of Syrian Democratic Forces October 7th, 2019

Syria Kurds slam US withdrawal, vow to defend Rojava ‘at all costs’

Green Mountain Central Labor Council AFL-CIO

This dossier will briefly examine the evolving relationship between Turkey and
al-Qaeda offshoots and proxies in Idlib, in particular HTS, before compiling visual
evidence of the proliferation of armored vehicles and heavy weaponry among
these groups in Idlib province.